JAMB UTME - Yoruba Language - 2025

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This question tests recognition of the pronoun that refers back to the subject already introduced earlier in the sentence, maintaining grammatical agreement across the clauses of the proverb.

The proverb begins by naming the subject, a child, in the phrase describing a child who is literate but does not know the ways of elders. In the clause that follows, advising that such a person should show respect by prostrating, the sentence no longer repeats the word for child; instead it uses a short pronoun standing in for that same subject. That pronoun is the word that ties the second clause back to the person introduced in the first, which is exactly what grammatical concord requires: a later reference must match, in person and number, the subject it stands for.

The remaining options are not concord words at all: one is the phrase describing the elders' ways, one is a subjunctive marker introducing what should happen, and one is the verb for being literate, so none of them performs the pronoun's job of referring back to the subject.

When asked to find a concord or agreement word in a Yoruba sentence, look specifically for the short pronoun that stands in for a noun already mentioned, rather than for descriptive phrases or verbs nearby.

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Alárìnjó is the name of the traditional Yoruba travelling theatre troupe that moved from town to town staging masquerade performances. Their shows combined spoken drama, mime, and satire with drumming and singing, which is why their defining activity is correctly described as eré pẹ̀lú orin, drama performed with music.

Alárìnjó performances were not simply climbing plants, dance on its own without spoken drama, or poetry set to song; their hallmark was theatrical scenes, often comic or satirical, carried along by live musical accompaniment.

Associate Alárìnjó with travelling masquerade theatre powered by music, and you will not confuse it with genres that involve only dance or only chanted poetry.

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Èsìn ìbílẹ̀ means the indigenous or traditional religion of a people, as opposed to religions introduced from outside, such as Christianity or Islam. Traditional Yoruba religion centres on the worship of the orisa, deities such as Ògún, Ṣàngó, and Ọbàtálá, so worship of Ọbàtálá is a genuine example of an indigenous Yoruba religion.

Cherub worship belongs to a Christian tradition, and the other two options do not name a recognised indigenous Yoruba deity or practice, so they cannot represent the original faith of the Yoruba people the way orisa worship does.

When a question asks for an example of Yoruba traditional religion, look for the name of an orisa; worship built around one of the orisa is always the indigenous option.

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This question tests knowledge of the Yoruba term for the celebration held to mark a birthday.

In Yoruba culture, a birthday is marked with a festive gathering involving family, friends, food, music, and well-wishes for the celebrant, and the general Yoruba word for this kind of celebration or party is the one that correctly answers the question. It is distinct from the words for a town, a story or historical account, and an unrelated term that does not refer to a festive occasion, none of which describes a celebratory gathering of this kind.

This term applies broadly to festive occasions in Yoruba culture beyond birthdays as well, covering celebrations held for a range of joyful events, which is why it is the word most directly associated with marking an occasion such as a birthday with festivity.

When a Yoruba culture question asks for the term describing a celebration or party, look for the vocabulary specifically tied to festivity and joyful gathering rather than words describing places, records, or unrelated customs.

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This question tests knowledge of the specific Yoruba term for a well-known cultural rite, the ceremony held to welcome and name a newborn child.

In Yoruba tradition, a newborn is formally given a name during a dedicated ceremony that usually takes place about a week after birth, attended by family and community elders who bless the child and confer names chosen for their meaning. The Yoruba term for this specific rite, literally "naming a child," is the one that correctly answers the question. It is distinct from a burial rite, from an ordinary story-telling occasion, and from a general discussion or meeting, none of which refers to a newborn-child ceremony.

A useful way to recognise this vocabulary is to notice how the word is built from "so," to make or turn something into, "ọmọ," child, and "orúkọ," name, so that the whole word literally means "to make the child into a name-bearer."

When a Yoruba vocabulary question describes a life-stage ritual, break the compound word into its parts to confirm what activity it names before choosing an answer.

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The passage closes by stating that Yoruba culture must not be allowed to die or be forgotten, and that it should instead be used to help children through education, work, and daily life (ó yẹ́ kí a fi ran àwọn ọmọ wa lọ́wọ́ nínu ẹ̀kọ́, iṣẹ́, àti ìgbésí-ayé wọn). The question asks what should be done with culture as a conclusion to the passage, so the answer has to match this closing recommendation.

The option that says culture should be used to build education and livelihood matches this closing instruction, which is why it is correct.

Leaving culture for other nations, destroying it, or abandoning trust in it all contradict the passage's message, which argues for preserving and actively using culture rather than discarding it. A concluding recommendation in a passage is usually the opposite of the problem described earlier in the text, and here the problem was children abandoning their culture, so the solution must be to actively pass it on.

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Ìjálá is a chant traditionally performed by hunters and devotees of Ògún, the Yoruba god of iron and war. Its verses celebrate courage, skill in the hunt, and the strength of the hunter, so a typical example of ìjálá is a chant that praises a valiant, courageous person, matching ìyìn akíkanjú.

Ìjálá is not the same as an entertainment song sung purely for fun, a story told about a masquerade festival, or ordinary speech used while working; those describe other kinds of oral performance. What sets ìjálá apart is its focus on bravery and hunting prowess, delivered in a distinctive chanting style with its own vocabulary.

When identifying ìjálá in an exam question, listen for the theme of valour and hunting; that theme is the surest marker of the genre.

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The opening lines of the passage state that Yoruba culture and practice are built on good relationships, the blessing of elders, family contentment (ìtẹ́lọrun ídílé), and advice grounded in the wisdom of the ancestors. The question asks specifically what culture did for the family at the beginning of the passage, so the answer must come straight from that opening sentence rather than from later parts about children's attitudes toward culture.

The option describing culture as something that shows contentment and blessing (ó fi ìtẹ́lọrun àti íbùkún hàn) restates exactly what the passage says: family satisfaction and the blessing that comes from elders. This is why it is the correct answer.

The other options either introduce ideas the passage never mentions, such as going to church or causing arguments, or describe something too vague, such as "bringing enjoyment", that is not the specific benefit the writer names for the family. When answering a comprehension question about what a text says at the beginning, always trace the exact sentence being tested rather than a general impression of the whole passage.

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The word "yárá" has two different meanings in Yoruba depending on how it is used and pronounced: as a noun it can mean "room", but as an adverb describing how an action is performed, it means "quickly" or "fast". In the sentence "Ó yárá gba ìpè nàà" (He quickly answered the call), "yárá" is placed directly before the verb "gba" (to take or answer), showing that it is describing the manner of the action rather than naming an object.

Because it modifies how the call was answered, "yárá" here means "quickly" (ní kiákiá), which is the correct match.

Options referring to a decision, a burnt house, or a playroom all treat "yárá" as a noun, which does not fit its position in the sentence, since a noun could not sit between the subject "ó" and the verb "gba" in this way. Checking a word's position and function in the sentence, not just its dictionary form, is essential whenever a Yoruba word can serve more than one grammatical role.

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The passage says that the members of the night-watch group sat in the dark for many nights without anything happening. It specifically states that it was on the fifth night, while the moon was shining in the sky, that they heard a rustling sound near the village head's yam barn and rushed to investigate.

The passage does not mention a third or sixth night at all, and it explicitly contrasts the fifth night, when the discovery happened, with the earlier nights, including the first night, when the watchers saw nothing.

Because the passage names the fifth night as the specific night the watchers heard the sound and discovered what was happening, that is the correct night.

Examination tip: for questions asking when an event happened in a narrative, locate the exact time marker the passage gives, here the fifth night, rather than assuming the event happened as soon as the watch began.

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The Yoruba word "s\u00e1l\u00f3" is formed from two words joined together, "s\u00e1" (to run or flee) and "l\u1ecd" (to go away). Together they describe the act of running away from a place, escaping quickly rather than walking normally.

Gb\u00e9 means to carry or lift something, which does not involve fleeing. K\u00f3 l\u1ecd means to pack up and move away, describing a deliberate relocation with one's belongings, not a hurried escape. B\u1ecc\u0300 means to come or to return, the opposite direction of movement from s\u00e1l\u00f3. S\u00e1 \u00e0s\u00e1l\u00e0, on the other hand, means to flee or escape, exactly the meaning carried by "s\u00e1" in s\u00e1l\u00f3, describing a hurried departure away from danger or trouble.

Because s\u00e1l\u00f3 combines "s\u00e1" (flee) with "l\u1ecd" (go), its meaning matches s\u00e1 \u00e0s\u00e1l\u00e0, to flee in escape.

Examination tip: when a Yoruba word is a compound of two smaller words, break it into its parts first, s\u00e1 and l\u1ecd here, then match the combined meaning to the closest option rather than guessing from the whole word alone.

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This question checks whether the reader has followed the passage to its resolution, where the villagers' response changes once they learn the full circumstances behind the earlier disturbance.

After the elders travel to the neighbouring village and speak with the people there, they discover that the young people who had been taking food were driven to it by hardship: a flood had destroyed their farmland, leaving their families without enough to eat. Faced with this information, the passage states plainly that the elders chose to give out of their own remaining food to help them, rather than punish them for what had happened.

This response is what allows the story to end with friendly relations between the two villages. Choosing kindness over blame or punishment is the turning point of the narrative, and it explains why the passage closes by describing lasting cooperation between the communities rather than continued suspicion.

In comprehension passages built around conflict and resolution, the ending usually reveals the story's central value; here that value is compassion shown once the true cause of a problem is understood.

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"Ídàbí" comes from the verb "dàbí", which means "to resemble" or "to seem like". When used to introduce a comparison, this idea is expressed in everyday speech as "bí ẹni pé", meaning "as if" or "as though", the phrase used whenever something is described as appearing or seeming a certain way without actually being so.

This matches the tested word closely, since both "dàbí" and "bí ẹni pé" carry the sense of likeness or apparent resemblance, making it the correct option.

A house, various kinds of something, and something that was made are all unrelated concepts that do not carry any sense of resemblance or comparison. When a Yoruba vocabulary question tests a word built on "dà" or "bí", it is worth checking whether the correct option expresses similarity or seeming, since these roots consistently signal comparison in the language.

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This question tests the ability to complete a sentence with the clause that follows logically from what has already been stated.

The sentence begins by stating that the speaker is going to the hospital. A hospital is a place people visit specifically for medical reasons, so the continuation that makes sense is one that gives a medical reason for the visit, namely that the speaker is unwell. This connects cause to effect directly: being unwell is the reason for going to a hospital, in the same way going to a place of worship would logically follow a statement about wanting to pray, not about visiting a hospital.

The other options either describe an unrelated destination, an unrelated intention to turn back, or an unrelated errand to buy herbs, none of which follows naturally from the specific statement about heading to a hospital.

For sentence-completion questions, test each option by asking whether it gives a reason, result, or detail that a listener would naturally expect to follow the opening statement, rather than one that is merely grammatically possible.

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After discovering the damage to their farmland, the villagers' first reaction, before any investigation, was to assume that wild animals from the forest were responsible for eating their crops and food.

The passage names the village hunter separately, as the person who later examined the scene and reported that there were no animal footprints to support the accusation, meaning the hunter was not himself accused. The children from the second village are only discovered later, on the fifth night, and are not the group the villagers first suspected. Town thugs are never mentioned anywhere in the passage.

Because the text states plainly that the villagers first blamed wild animals for the damage before the hunter's investigation raised doubt, the group first accused is the wild animals.

Examination tip: comprehension questions asking who was first accused want the earliest suspicion mentioned in the passage, even if later evidence in the story proves it wrong.

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The passage explains that although the villagers first suspected wild animals, the village hunter, who is skilled at tracking animals, examined the scene and reported that he could find no animal footprints at all to support the idea that an animal was responsible.

No garden being eaten is not what the passage says; the garden was in fact being damaged, which is precisely the problem being investigated. The passage never mentions that an animal was actually caught, so that cannot be the reason the villagers changed their thinking. Absence of animal noise is also not stated anywhere in the passage as evidence.

Because it was specifically the hunter's report of finding no animal footprints that undermined the idea of an animal being responsible, that report is what made the villagers realise it was not an animal.

Examination tip: when a comprehension question asks what made a character realise something, search the passage for the specific piece of evidence given, here the hunter's statement about footprints, rather than assuming a general explanation.

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Ìlà yìí fi ìmọ̀ràn hàn. Kì í se oro lásán, ṣùgbọ́n àlàyé ẹ̀kọ́ àti ìmúlò rere. O je owe igbani niyanju.

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The phrase ohun ìjà means an instrument of fighting or warfare. Among the choices given, ọ̀fà (the arrow, shot from a bow) is the one that names a genuine traditional weapon used in Yoruba hunting and warfare, associated closely with warriors and with Ògún, the deity of iron and war.

The other items are everyday household or personal tools: obẹ is a kitchen knife, abẹ̀ is a small blade or razor used for shaving or minor cutting, and òpá is simply a stick or staff used for support or herding, not a dedicated weapon of combat.

When a Yoruba culture question asks for a weapon rather than a tool, look for the item whose primary traditional use was fighting or hunting rather than domestic work; the arrow fits that description precisely.

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The passage opens by defining Yoruba culture directly: "àṣà Yorùbá jẹ́ àfihàn ìdánimọ̀, ìbùkún àti ìpẹ̀yà fún àwọn tí wọ́n bá tẹ̀síwájú nínú rẹ̀" (Yoruba culture is a display of identity, blessing, and heritage for those who continue in it). The passage's own words state that culture is a manifestation of identity.

Good character (ọmọlúwàbí), modern technology, and the religious history of the Egyptians are not statements the passage makes about what culture is; they either appear elsewhere in a different sense or do not appear in the passage's definition at all.

When a comprehension question asks what a passage says something is, return to the exact sentence in the text that defines it rather than relying on general knowledge of the topic.

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In Yoruba grammar, names fall into different categories depending on how they function. A name that is attached specifically to one particular person, place, or thing, distinguishing it from every other member of its class, is called a proper noun, or orúkọ àtọ̀kànwá in Yoruba, meaning a name that "points directly" at a specific referent.

This matches the question precisely, since it asks for the name given to identify one particular place or one particular person, which is exactly what a proper noun does.

The other terms describe different categories entirely, such as a descriptive or explanatory name, or an insulting name, none of which refer to the grammatical function of uniquely identifying a specific referent. When a Yoruba grammar question asks about naming a specific entity, the key clue is the word "specific" or "particular", which should point directly to orúkọ àtọ̀kànwá.

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This question is loosely worded, but it is asking for something in Yoruba speech that people habitually point to or refer back to when making an argument, described here as an àtọ́ka (a pointer or reference). In Yoruba oral tradition, that role belongs to àwọn òwe, proverbs.

Yoruba speech leans heavily on proverbs as ready-made points of reference: a speaker cites a proverb the way a writer cites a source, to point to accepted wisdom and strengthen an argument. This function is captured in the well known saying that a proverb is the horse used to trace and recover a lost line of speech.

Application, complex sentence structure, and machinery do not serve this referencing function in everyday speech, while proverbs are specifically kept and reused as fixed points that a speaker points back to; that is why proverbs are the best fit here, even though the question's phrasing is not fully precise.

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In Yoruba culture, several traditional customs (\u00e0\u1e63\u00e0) mark different stages and events in life, each with its own name. \u00cck\u00e0w\u00e9 refers to the practice or culture of reading. \u00cck\u00f3r\u00e8 is the harvest festival, celebrating the gathering of crops such as yam or maize. \u00cc\u1eb9\u0300y\u00e0 relates to separation or parting. \u00ck\u1eb9\u0301 \u1ecdm\u1ecd (the naming ceremony) is the custom performed to welcome and formally name a newborn child, usually within the first seven to nine days after birth, when family and community gather to bless the child and confer its name.

Since the question asks specifically about the custom of celebration connected with a child, the practice that fits is the naming ceremony, because it is the traditional celebration organised specifically to welcome a child into the family and community.

Examination tip: match each Yoruba custom to the life event it marks, the naming ceremony for a newborn child, marriage rites for a wedding, and burial rites for a death.

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In the sentence Òjò ń rọ bí i pé ọ̀run ń șú (the rain is falling as if the sky is pouring), the speaker is not stating a fact directly but comparing the intensity of the rain to an imagined event. The phrase that introduces this comparison is bí i pé, which means "as if" or "as though."

This phrase is what grammarians call the comparison marker: it signals that what follows is not literally true but is used to intensify the description of the rain. The remaining words in the sentence, òjò (rain), rọ (to fall/rain), and ọ̀run (sky), simply name the things being talked about; none of them performs the work of setting up a comparison.

When a question asks for the comparison word in a Yoruba sentence, look first for a phrase built around bí (like/as), since that is the standard way Yoruba introduces a simile.

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This question tests understanding of how marriage is traditionally regarded within Yoruba culture, specifically whose approval and involvement a marriage requires.

In Yoruba tradition, marriage is not treated as a private arrangement between two individuals alone; it is a union that involves and must be approved by the families of both the bride and the groom. Elders from each family are consulted, rites such as introduction visits and bride price negotiations are carried out between the families, and the marriage is considered properly sanctioned only once both families have given their consent. This is why family, rather than a title such as "mister," a leadership role, or the idea of just two individuals in isolation, is what Yoruba tradition holds as the party whose approval validates a marriage.

This family-centred view of marriage reflects a broader value in Yoruba culture, which treats major life events as matters affecting the wider kin group rather than individuals alone.

When Yoruba culture questions ask who approves or is involved in a traditional practice such as marriage, look for the answer that reflects the communal, family-based structure of Yoruba society rather than an individual-centred one.

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The passage describes what a culturally untrained child lacks: "ọmọ tí kò mọ̀ ìtẹ́ríba, kò ní lè mọyì àgbà, kó sì ní ìfọkàn tán láti fi ọgbọ́n gbà ìpinnu" (a child who does not know respect cannot value elders, and will not have the confidence to make wise decisions). The passage explicitly names respect and the wisdom to make sound decisions as what such a child is missing.

The passage does not connect this lack to the ability to lie, to food choices, or to relationships in general; those ideas are not part of the sentence describing what the child fails to know.

When a question asks what a passage says someone lacks, match your answer to the exact qualities the text lists, here respect and sound judgement in decision-making.

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Ewì oníròyìn (epic) ni ewì tí ó sọ ìtàn ayé tabi ìṣe eniyan.

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Àlàyé jẹ́ ìtàn àkọ́kọ́ nípa ohun kan. A le fi hàn bí àșà àti ẹ̀sìn șe wulo.

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Once the hunter's report ruled out wild animals as the cause of the damage, the passage says the village head called all the villagers together and set up a group whose job was to keep watch at night, in order to find out who or what was really responsible.

The passage does not say the village head went to the second village himself, that only happens later, after the culprits are caught, and it is the elders in general, not the village head alone, who make that visit. There is no mention in the passage of the village head ordering a separate investigation apart from setting up the night watch, or of him holding any kind of festival or ceremony.

Because the passage specifically describes the village head gathering everyone and forming a night-watch group to guard the farmland, that is the action he took to identify the culprit.

Examination tip: track each character's specific action as the passage narrates it in sequence, the village head's contribution here is organising the night watch, distinct from the later reconciliation visit made by the elders.

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This question tests reading comprehension: understanding the situation of a character based on details stated later in the passage, not simply the first impression given earlier.

Early in the story, the villagers guarding the farm at night hear a commotion and discover young people from a neighbouring village carrying away stolen food. At that point their action looks like theft. But the passage goes on to explain the cause: a serious flood had destroyed the crops and farmland belonging to those children's own village, leaving them without enough to eat, so they took food from a place they knew simply to survive.

This detail is essential to answering the question correctly. The children were not habitual robbers, abandoned orphans, or associated with witchcraft; their circumstance was that a flood had ruined their family's farm produce, which is why they resorted to taking food. Recognising this shows the reading skill of following cause and effect across a passage rather than stopping at the first surface impression a scene creates.

When a comprehension passage answers "why" something happened later in the text, always check that later explanation before settling on an answer, since it often overturns an earlier assumption.

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Gbolohun àșe máa ń bẹ̀rẹ̀ pẹ̀lú àsọyé tí ó fún ní ìtọ́sọ́nà tàbí àṣẹ.

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The word onígbàgbọ́ means a believer, someone who practises a religious faith. When it qualifies eré (a play or dramatic performance), it marks out a play whose content and structure are built around worship rather than around a secular theme.

A play of this kind is organised the way a service of worship is organised, carrying prayer, scripture, preaching, and religious song within its scenes. That is why the performance described this way is one that has a programme of worship running through it, and not a play about national education, a musical news report, or a general story about the origin of the world, since none of those are defined by a religious structure.

When a Yoruba vocabulary question qualifies eré with the name of a group of people, look for the option that names the activity that defines that group. For believers, that activity is worship.

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This question tests knowledge of the Yoruba word for a device or tool that converts words from one language into another.

Yoruba forms agent nouns, words naming the doer or performer of an action, by combining the prefix "a-" with a verb, so that a verb meaning to interpret or translate becomes a noun meaning "that which translates." This is the correct term for a translating device or dictionary, distinguishing it from the word for translation as an activity or result, from a general term for a language's vocabulary, and from an unrelated word that does not name a device at all.

Recognising this "a-" prefix pattern is useful more broadly in Yoruba, since the same construction produces many everyday tool and agent names, such as the words for a broom, a cutter, or a teacher, each built from a verb describing what that person or tool does.

When a question asks for the Yoruba name of a tool or device that performs an action, look for a word built with the "a-" prefix attached to the relevant verb, since that pattern reliably signals an agent or instrument noun.

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Oríkì kì í șe àtọkànwá àṣeyọrí nìkan, ó tún fi ibi tí ọmọ ti wá hàn.

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The two simple sentences Ọmọ náà wà ní ilé (the child is at home) and Ó ń ka iwe rẹ̀ (he/she is reading his/her book) describe two separate but related actions happening at the same time. The standard way to combine two such simple sentences into one compound sentence in Yoruba is with the connector sì (and/also), giving Ọmọ náà wà ní ilé, ó sì ń ka iwe rẹ̀.

The other combinations either force an unnatural focus construction, or turn the second sentence into a relative clause describing the child rather than simply joining two parallel actions, which changes the sentence type from a compound sentence to a complex one.

To build a compound sentence from two short Yoruba sentences, keep both actions as independent clauses and link them with sì rather than folding one inside the other with tí.

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"Jẹ" jẹ́ àsọyé tí ó fi ișe tí ẹni náà șe hàn (eating - verb).

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This question tests knowledge of the author of a foundational work of Yoruba prose literature.

"Ògbójú Ọdẹ nínú Igbó Irúnmalẹ̀" is a landmark Yoruba novel that follows a hunter's adventures through a world of forests, spirits, and mythical creatures, blending Yoruba folklore with narrative fiction. It was written by D.O. Fagunwa, widely regarded as a pioneer of written Yoruba fiction, whose works established the fantastical hunter's-tale genre in Yoruba literature. This distinguishes his authorship from other well-known Yoruba literary figures, whose own works are associated with different titles and genres, such as drama or poetry rather than this particular hunter's narrative.

Knowing which author is linked to which title is a recurring feature of Yoruba literature questions, since JAMB frequently pairs a well-known book title with a set of plausible author names.

When asked to match a Yoruba literary title to its author, recall the genre and subject matter of the work, since an author's known body of work, such as Fagunwa's hunter narratives, usually points directly to the correct name.

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The passage states that many parents and teachers have confirmed that when children lack knowledge of their culture, it leads to suffering and the spread of sorrow within society (àìmọ̀ àṣà lórí àwọn ọmọde ń fa ìjiyà àti ìtànkálẹ̀ íbànújẹ́ nínu awùjọ). The question asks what could happen if culture were abandoned completely, and the passage's own evidence points to harm at the level of society as a whole.

The option stating that society will be ruined (àwùjọ á bàjẹ́) captures this consequence, since the passage links loss of culture directly to social breakdown rather than to a single household or individual.

Options describing a house being built, a head being crushed, or the world tearing apart either misstate the direction of the consequence or exaggerate it beyond what the passage supports. The passage's own cause-and-effect statement, tracing lack of cultural knowledge to societal harm, is the evidence that should guide the choice, not a general impression of what sounds dramatic.

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The passage opens by describing what the villagers discovered every morning: their farmland kept getting damaged and their food supply kept reducing without any clear cause. This was the very first problem the village faced, before any suspects, hunters, or vigilante groups are mentioned.

Wild animals entering the village is only the villagers' first guess about the cause of the problem, not the problem itself, and the passage goes on to say the hunter found no footprints to support that idea. An epidemic disease and a shortage of water are not mentioned anywhere in the passage; neither illness nor lack of water is described as affecting the villagers.

Because the passage explicitly states that the villagers woke to find their farmland ruined and their food reduced without measure, the initial problem they faced was the destruction of their farmland together with the ongoing disappearance of their food.

Examination tip: in a comprehension passage, distinguish the actual event described from characters' guesses about its cause, since a question asking what problem occurred wants the event itself, not the suspected cause.

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This question tests knowledge of the standard layout used for a Yoruba informal letter, specifically what the second address in the letter refers to.

A properly structured Yoruba letter opens with the writer's own address and the date, placed at the top. Beneath the salutation, a second address identifies the person the letter is being written to, that is, the recipient, so that the letter is clearly directed at a specific individual. This is why the second address corresponds to the person addressed, rather than to the writer, the location the letter was written from, which is already covered by the first address, or an unrelated person such as a child mentioned only within the body of the letter.

Keeping the two addresses distinct, one for where the letter comes from and one for who it is going to, mirrors the structure expected in formal correspondence generally and is a detail JAMB checks directly in letter-writing questions.

When answering questions on letter format, work through the layout in order, writer's address and date first, then salutation, then who the letter is addressed to, so that each address is matched to its correct role.

Awọn alaye Idahun

Traditional Yoruba family life (ẹbí) is organised around close kinship ties, and one of the most basic units within an extended family is the group of children born to the same mother, referred to as ọmọ-ìyá. This bond of shared maternal descent is a defining feature of how a Yoruba family is structured and understood.

A decision, a system of government, and a story are not kinship categories; they describe entirely different aspects of life and cannot define how family membership is organised. Family structure in Yoruba culture is built on blood and marriage ties, and ọmọ-ìyá names exactly one such tie.

When a question asks what a Yoruba family is built with or organised around, look for the option that names a kinship relationship rather than an abstract idea like decision-making or governance.