Inapakia....
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Swali 1 Ripoti
Ka àwọn ayokà isàlè yil, ki o si dáhún àwọn ibéèrè tí ó tèlé won.
Nínú abúlé aláàánú kan tí ó wà láàárín àwọn òkè aláwo ewé, ìșẹ̀lẹ̀ abàmì kan sẹlẹ̀ tí ó yà àwọn àgbàlagbà abúlé lẹ́nu. Ní gbogbo òwúrọ̀, àwọn ará
abúlé máa ń jí láti rí pé ọgbà wọn ti bàjẹ́, oúnj wọn sì dínkù láìníye. Ní ìbẹ̀rẹ̀, wọ́n fi ẹ̀sùn kàn àwọn ẹranko igbó. ùgbọ́n ọdẹ abúlé sọ pé kò sí ipa ẹsẹ̀
kankan tí wọ́n rí láti fihàn pé ẹranko ni . Olórí abúlé pè gbogbo ènìyàn jọ, ó sì dá ẹgbẹ figilanté tó máa ń sọ́ alẹ́ sílẹ̀.
Àwọn tó yá ara wọn sílẹ̀ fún isé yí mú atupa àti ọpá, wọ́n jókòó nínú òkùnkùn. Òpọ̀ alẹ́ ni kò sí ìșẹ̀lẹ̀ kankan. Șùgbọ́n ní alẹ́ karùn-ún, nígbà tí òșùpá ń
tan lójú ọ̀run, won gbó kìkún lẹ́gbeé abà ẹ̀lùbọ̀ olórí abúlé. Wọn sare lọ, wọ́n sì rí àwọn ọmọkùnrin àti ọmọbìnrin kan láti abúlé kejì, tí wọ́n ń sa lọ
Ní ọjọ kejì, àwọn àgbàlagbà abúlé lọ sí abúlé yẹn láti bá wọn sọrọ. Ó hàn kedere pé àwọn ọmọ yìí jẹ aláìní, tí ìkànlù omi burúkú kan ti run gbogbo
pẹ̀lú oúnjẹ tí wọ́n jí.
ọgbà wọn. Kódà, ó jẹ́ pé wọ́n ń jì oúnjẹ kí wọ́n lè yè. Eleyi jẹ̀ ohun ti o bani lọkan jẹ̀, wọn si pinnu láti fi oúnjẹ tí wọ́n ní kù fún wọn dipo ìjíyà. Láti ọj
yẹn lọ, ìbáșepọ̀ àti àjọșe dájú láàárín àwọn abúlé méjèèjì.
Kí ni olórí abúlé șe láti mọ ẹni tó ń bà ogbà wọn jẹ́?
Maelezo ya Majibu
Once the hunter's report ruled out wild animals as the cause of the damage, the passage says the village head called all the villagers together and set up a group whose job was to keep watch at night, in order to find out who or what was really responsible.
The passage does not say the village head went to the second village himself, that only happens later, after the culprits are caught, and it is the elders in general, not the village head alone, who make that visit. There is no mention in the passage of the village head ordering a separate investigation apart from setting up the night watch, or of him holding any kind of festival or ceremony.
Because the passage specifically describes the village head gathering everyone and forming a night-watch group to guard the farmland, that is the action he took to identify the culprit.
Examination tip: track each character's specific action as the passage narrates it in sequence, the village head's contribution here is organising the night watch, distinct from the later reconciliation visit made by the elders.
Swali 2 Ripoti
Owe wo ni a fi ń tọ́ka sí ìtàn ìgbàanì?
Maelezo ya Majibu
It implies that through silence and attention, one can learn wisdom and history from elders.
Swali 3 Ripoti
Ka àwọn ayokà isàlè yil, ki o si dáhún àwọn ibéèrè tí ó tèlé won.
Nínú abúlé aláàánú kan tí ó wà láàárín àwọn òkè aláwo ewé, ìșẹ̀lẹ̀ abàmì kan șẹlẹ̀ tí ó yà àwọn àgbàlagbà abúlé lénu. Ní gbogbo òwúrọ̀, àwọn ará
abúlé máa ń jí láti rí pé ọgbà wọn ti bàjẹ́, oúnjẹ wọn sì dínkù láìníye. Ní ìbẹ̀rẹ̀, wọ́n fi sùn kàn àwọn ẹranko igbó. Șùgbọ́n ọdẹ abúlé sọ pé kò sí ipa ẹsẹ̀
kankan tí wọ́n rí láti fihàn pé ẹranko ni . Olórí abúlé pè gbogbo ènìyàn jọ, ó sì dá ẹgbẹ figilanté tó máa ń ṣọ́ alẹ́ sílẹ̀.
Àwọn tó yá ara wọn sílẹ̀ fún isé yí mú atupa àti ọpá, wọ́n jókòó nínú òkùnkùn. Òpọ̀ alẹ́ ni kò sí ìșẹ̀lẹ̀ kankan. Șùgbọ́n ní alẹ́ karùn-ún, nígbà tí òșùpá ń
tan lójú ọ̀run, won gbo kìkún légbèé abà èlùbọ̀ olórí abúlé. Wọn sare lọ, wọ́n sì rí àwọn ọmọkùnrin àti ọmọbìnrin kan láti abúlé kejì, tí wọ́n ń sa lọ
Ní ọjọ kejì, àwọn àgbàlagbà abúlé lọ sí abúlé yẹn láti bá wọn sọrọ. Ó hàn kedere pé àwọn ọmọ yìí jẹ aláìní, tí ìkànlù omi burúkú kan ti run gbogbo
pẹ̀lú oúnjẹ tí wọ́n jí.
ọgbà wọn. Kódà, ó jẹ́ pé wọ́n ń jì oúnjẹ kí wọ́n lè yè. Eleyi jẹ̀ ohun ti o bani lọkan jẹ̀, wọn si pinnu láti fi oúnjẹ tí wọ́n ní kù fún wọn dipo ìjíyà. Láti ọjọ́
yẹn lọ, ìbáșepọ̀ àti àjọṣe dájú láàárín àwọn abúlé méjèèjì.
Kí ni àwọn àgbàlagbà șe lẹ́yìn tí wọ́n mọ ohun tó ṣẹlẹ̀ gangan?
Maelezo ya Majibu
This question checks whether the reader has followed the passage to its resolution, where the villagers' response changes once they learn the full circumstances behind the earlier disturbance.
After the elders travel to the neighbouring village and speak with the people there, they discover that the young people who had been taking food were driven to it by hardship: a flood had destroyed their farmland, leaving their families without enough to eat. Faced with this information, the passage states plainly that the elders chose to give out of their own remaining food to help them, rather than punish them for what had happened.
This response is what allows the story to end with friendly relations between the two villages. Choosing kindness over blame or punishment is the turning point of the narrative, and it explains why the passage closes by describing lasting cooperation between the communities rather than continued suspicion.
In comprehension passages built around conflict and resolution, the ending usually reveals the story's central value; here that value is compassion shown once the true cause of a problem is understood.
Swali 4 Ripoti
Kínní ipa ọ̀rọ̀ "n" nínú gbolohun Mo n lọ sí ilé?
Maelezo ya Majibu
In the sentence "Mo ń lọ sí ilé" (I am going home), the particle "ń" placed before the verb "lọ" signals that the action is ongoing at the moment of speaking. This particle functions as a tense or aspect marker, showing the listener that the movement is happening right now rather than having been completed in the past or planned for the future.
The option identifying "ń" as a tense marker (àmì àsíkò) correctly names this grammatical role, which is why it is the correct answer.
"ń" is neither an example, a noun, nor a communication device; it carries no meaning of its own outside of the grammatical signal it gives about when an action takes place. Whenever a short particle like "ń" or "yóò" appears directly before a Yoruba verb, checking what it tells the listener about timing is the fastest way to identify its grammatical function.
Swali 5 Ripoti
Ębí Yorùbá máa ń șe pẹ̀lú ...?
Maelezo ya Majibu
Traditional Yoruba family life (ẹbí) is organised around close kinship ties, and one of the most basic units within an extended family is the group of children born to the same mother, referred to as ọmọ-ìyá. This bond of shared maternal descent is a defining feature of how a Yoruba family is structured and understood.
A decision, a system of government, and a story are not kinship categories; they describe entirely different aspects of life and cannot define how family membership is organised. Family structure in Yoruba culture is built on blood and marriage ties, and ọmọ-ìyá names exactly one such tie.
When a question asks what a Yoruba family is built with or organised around, look for the option that names a kinship relationship rather than an abstract idea like decision-making or governance.
Swali 6 Ripoti
Èsìn Yoruba ti o șáájú Kristęni ní ...?
Maelezo ya Majibu
Before the arrival of Christianity, the Yoruba people practised a traditional belief system centred on the worship of the òrìṣà, the various deities associated with natural forces, ancestors, and specific areas of life such as Ṣàngó, Ògún, and Ỏyá. This indigenous religious practice is known as ìjọ́sin Òrìṣà, meaning the worship of the deities.
The option naming worship of the Òrìṣà (ìjọ́sin Òrìṣà) correctly identifies this pre-Christian faith, which existed long before missionaries introduced Christianity to Yorubaland.
Teaching, hearing from God in the Christian sense, and naming ceremonies are not religions in themselves; hearing from God in particular reflects a Christian framework rather than the traditional practice the question is asking about. A useful way to check this kind of question is to ask which option names an actual belief system rather than an activity or ritual that could exist within several different belief systems.
Swali 7 Ripoti
Gbólóhùn wo lórí àìtọ́ àfikún?
Maelezo ya Majibu
A correctly formed Yoruba compound sentence joins two related clauses smoothly, often with a connector such as sì (and/also), as seen in sentences like they arrived and they left, he went and bought it, and he worked and slept. Each of those reads as a natural, grammatically sound coordination of two actions.
Ó lọ s'òun òun does not follow this pattern; the phrase repeats òun awkwardly and lacks the coherent structure a proper compound sentence needs, making it the example of faulty coordination among the choices given.
When asked to spot an incorrectly joined sentence, check whether the coordinating word links two complete, sensible clauses; a sentence that repeats or garbles a pronoun without adding a second clause is a sign of faulty construction.
Swali 8 Ripoti
Kí ni ìtumọ̀ “yọjú"?
Maelezo ya Majibu
"Yọjú" is formed from "yọ" (to emerge or come out) and "ojú" (face), and in everyday Yoruba usage it describes the act of appearing, coming into view, or showing oneself, for example when someone peeps out of a window or steps briefly into sight. The closest match among the choices is the phrase meaning "to show oneself" (fi ara hàn), since this captures the sense of becoming visible or making an appearance.
A common mix-up is to treat "yọjú" as simply "to see a face" (rí ojú), but that phrase describes the act of viewing someone else, not the act of making oneself visible. "Yọjú" is about the subject appearing, not about an onlooker seeing them, which is why "fi ara hàn" is the better match.
The remaining options, relating to speaking through the mouth or walking, describe unrelated actions that share no root or meaning with "yọjú". When a vocabulary question tests a compound word, breaking it into its component parts, as with "yọ" and "ojú" here, usually reveals which option fits the underlying sense.
Swali 9 Ripoti
Kí ni orúkọ tí a kọ́ mọ́ ibi tàbí ẹni kan?
Maelezo ya Majibu
In Yoruba grammar, names fall into different categories depending on how they function. A name that is attached specifically to one particular person, place, or thing, distinguishing it from every other member of its class, is called a proper noun, or orúkọ àtọ̀kànwá in Yoruba, meaning a name that "points directly" at a specific referent.
This matches the question precisely, since it asks for the name given to identify one particular place or one particular person, which is exactly what a proper noun does.
The other terms describe different categories entirely, such as a descriptive or explanatory name, or an insulting name, none of which refer to the grammatical function of uniquely identifying a specific referent. When a Yoruba grammar question asks about naming a specific entity, the key clue is the word "specific" or "particular", which should point directly to orúkọ àtọ̀kànwá.
Swali 10 Ripoti
Irú orin tí àwọn agbẹ maa ń kọ́ ni ...?
Maelezo ya Majibu
Farmers traditionally sing while working on the land to keep rhythm, ease the labour, and encourage one another, and this category of song is known as orin ìṣẹ́, a work song.
An explanatory piece, a hunters' chant, and a sugarcane song each belong to different contexts: an explanation is informational rather than musical, ìjálá belongs to hunters rather than farmers, and a song about sugarcane names a crop rather than an activity. None of these describe the song genre tied to the act of farming itself.
Link each occupational song to the group that performs it: hunters sing ìjálá, farmers sing orin ìṣẹ́, and remembering this pairing prevents mixing up the genres.
Swali 11 Ripoti
"Ìdàbí" túmò sí ...?
Maelezo ya Majibu
"Ídàbí" comes from the verb "dàbí", which means "to resemble" or "to seem like". When used to introduce a comparison, this idea is expressed in everyday speech as "bí ẹni pé", meaning "as if" or "as though", the phrase used whenever something is described as appearing or seeming a certain way without actually being so.
This matches the tested word closely, since both "dàbí" and "bí ẹni pé" carry the sense of likeness or apparent resemblance, making it the correct option.
A house, various kinds of something, and something that was made are all unrelated concepts that do not carry any sense of resemblance or comparison. When a Yoruba vocabulary question tests a word built on "dà" or "bí", it is worth checking whether the correct option expresses similarity or seeming, since these roots consistently signal comparison in the language.
Swali 12 Ripoti
Kínní àpẹẹrẹ gbolohun àșẹ?
Maelezo ya Majibu
Gbolohun àșe máa ń bẹ̀rẹ̀ pẹ̀lú àsọyé tí ó fún ní ìtọ́sọ́nà tàbí àṣẹ.
Swali 13 Ripoti
Kínní ipa ọ̀rọ̀ "jẹ" nínú gbolohun Mo jẹ àkara lọ́jọ́ yẹn?
Maelezo ya Majibu
"Jẹ" jẹ́ àsọyé tí ó fi ișe tí ẹni náà șe hàn (eating - verb).
Swali 14 Ripoti
Àwọn tó máa ń kọ orin ìjálá ni ...?
Maelezo ya Majibu
This question tests knowledge of which group of performers is traditionally associated with a specific genre of Yoruba oral poetry.
Ìjálá is a chanted poetic form performed specifically by hunters, traditionally recited to honour Ògún, the deity associated with iron and hunting, and to recount hunting exploits, animal lore, and hunters' experiences in the forest. Its distinctive vocabulary, imagery drawn from wildlife and the bush, and its ceremonial occasions are all tied to hunting culture, which is why hunters, rather than drivers, market traders, or any other occupational group, are the performers historically identified with this chant.
Yoruba oral literature assigns different chant and poetry forms to different social or occupational groups, for example herders, hunters, or praise singers, and recognising which genre belongs to which group is a recurring feature of this area of the syllabus.
When a question names a specific chant genre and asks who performs it, recall the occupational or ceremonial group historically linked to that genre rather than guessing from the sound of the word alone.
Swali 15 Ripoti
Kí ni ìtumọ̀ "ṣíṣe"?
Maelezo ya Majibu
Ṣíṣe is the gerund form of the verb ṣe, meaning "to do" or "to perform." Doubling the first syllable of a Yoruba verb turns it into a noun describing the act of doing that verb, so ṣíṣe literally means "the doing/performing of something," which corresponds to iṣẹ́, work or task.
A house, a right/entitlement, and seeing are unrelated meanings that do not connect to the act of doing or performing; they belong to entirely different word families in Yoruba.
When a question asks for the meaning of a reduplicated Yoruba verb form like ṣíṣe, think of the base verb it comes from and translate that action into its related noun of work or activity.
Swali 16 Ripoti
Kí ló jẹ́ àkópọ̀ gbolohun: Ọmọ náà wà ní ilé. Ó ń ka iwe rẹ?
Maelezo ya Majibu
The two simple sentences Ọmọ náà wà ní ilé (the child is at home) and Ó ń ka iwe rẹ̀ (he/she is reading his/her book) describe two separate but related actions happening at the same time. The standard way to combine two such simple sentences into one compound sentence in Yoruba is with the connector sì (and/also), giving Ọmọ náà wà ní ilé, ó sì ń ka iwe rẹ̀.
The other combinations either force an unnatural focus construction, or turn the second sentence into a relative clause describing the child rather than simply joining two parallel actions, which changes the sentence type from a compound sentence to a complex one.
To build a compound sentence from two short Yoruba sentences, keep both actions as independent clauses and link them with sì rather than folding one inside the other with tí.
Swali 17 Ripoti
Ka àwọn ayokà isàlè yil, ki o si dáhún àwọn ibéèrè tí ó tèlé won.
Òpọ̀ ọdún sẹ́yìn, àșà Yorùbá jẹ́ àfihàn ìdánimọ̀, ìbùkún àti ìpẹ̀yà fún àwọn tí wọ́n bá tẹ̀síwájú nínú rẹ̀. Àșà àti ìṣe Yorùbá dá lórí ìbáșepọ̀ rere, ìbùkún
àwọn àgbà, ìtẹ́lọ́run ìdílé, àti ìmọ̀ràn tí ó dá lórí ọgbọ́n àwọn baba-nlá wa. Ní gbogbo agbondan Yorùbá, ìyàwó tí a fẹ́ sílẹ, orúkọ tí a fún ọmọ, àwọn
àșà bí a șe ń sajọyọ̀, tàbí bó ṣe yẹ kí a ṣe ìrántí ẹni tó kú, gbogbo wọ́n ní ìtumọ̀ púpọ̀.
Șùgbón, ní àgbáyé òde-òní, pẹ̀lú ìtẹ̀síwájú ìmọ̀ ìjìnlẹ̀ àti imọ̀-ẹrọ, ọ̀pọ̀ àwọn ọmọde àti àwọn ọdọ ti kọ̀ ẹ̀kọ́ àti àșà àwọn baba wọn sílẹ̀. Wọ́n ń fi ẹ̀sùn
kàn an pé àșà jẹ́ ohun ateyinwa, kó sì ní ọ̀rọ̀ tó wúlò mọ́. Kíákíá ni wọ́n fi ń gbàgbọ́ pé àwọn àșà tó jẹ́ ti àwọn oríl-èdè yòókù dàgbà ju tiwọn lọ.
Ọpọ̀ àwọn obi àti olùkọ́ ló ti wá fidí re mulẹ̀ bayi pé àìmọ̀ àșà lórí àwọn ọmọde ń fa ìjìyà àti ìtànkálẹ̀ ìbànújẹ nínú awujọ. Bí àpẹẹrẹ, ọmọ tí kò mọ̀
ìtẹ́ríba, kò ní lè mọyì àgbà, kó sì ní ifọkàn tán láti fi ọgbọ́n gbà ìpinnu. Nípa bẹ́ẹ̀, àṣà Yorùbá kò yẹ kí ó kú tàbí di aimo, ó yẹ kí a fi ran àwọn ọmọ wa
lọ́wọ́ nínú ẹ̀kọ́, isé, àti ìgbésí-ayé won.
Kí ni àșà șe fún ìdílé ní ibẹrẹ àpilẹ̀kọ?
Maelezo ya Majibu
The opening lines of the passage state that Yoruba culture and practice are built on good relationships, the blessing of elders, family contentment (ìtẹ́lọrun ídílé), and advice grounded in the wisdom of the ancestors. The question asks specifically what culture did for the family at the beginning of the passage, so the answer must come straight from that opening sentence rather than from later parts about children's attitudes toward culture.
The option describing culture as something that shows contentment and blessing (ó fi ìtẹ́lọrun àti íbùkún hàn) restates exactly what the passage says: family satisfaction and the blessing that comes from elders. This is why it is the correct answer.
The other options either introduce ideas the passage never mentions, such as going to church or causing arguments, or describe something too vague, such as "bringing enjoyment", that is not the specific benefit the writer names for the family. When answering a comprehension question about what a text says at the beginning, always trace the exact sentence being tested rather than a general impression of the whole passage.
Swali 18 Ripoti
Ìbílẹ̀ Yoruba maa ń fọwọ́ sí ìgbéyàwó ...?
Maelezo ya Majibu
This question tests understanding of how marriage is traditionally regarded within Yoruba culture, specifically whose approval and involvement a marriage requires.
In Yoruba tradition, marriage is not treated as a private arrangement between two individuals alone; it is a union that involves and must be approved by the families of both the bride and the groom. Elders from each family are consulted, rites such as introduction visits and bride price negotiations are carried out between the families, and the marriage is considered properly sanctioned only once both families have given their consent. This is why family, rather than a title such as "mister," a leadership role, or the idea of just two individuals in isolation, is what Yoruba tradition holds as the party whose approval validates a marriage.
This family-centred view of marriage reflects a broader value in Yoruba culture, which treats major life events as matters affecting the wider kin group rather than individuals alone.
When Yoruba culture questions ask who approves or is involved in a traditional practice such as marriage, look for the answer that reflects the communal, family-based structure of Yoruba society rather than an individual-centred one.
Swali 19 Ripoti
Ka àwọn ayokà isàlè yil, ki o si dáhún àwọn ibéèrè tí ó tèlé won.
Òpò ọdún séyìn, àșà Yorùbá jẹ́ àfihàn ìdánimọ̀, ìbùkún àti ìpẹ̀yà fún àwọn tí wọ́n bá tẹ̀síwájú nínú rẹ̀. Àșà àti ìṣe Yorùbá dá lórí ìbáșepọ̀ rere, ìbùkún
àwọn àgbà, ìtẹ́lọ́run ìdílé, àti ìmọ̀ràn tí ó dá lórí ọgbọ́n àwọn baba-nlá wa. Ní gbogbo agbondan Yorùbá, ìyàwó tí a fẹ́ sílẹ, orúkọ tí a fún ọmọ, àwọn
àșà bí a șe ń sajọyọ̀, tàbí bó ṣe yẹ kí a șe ìrántí ẹni tó kú, gbogbo wọ́n ní ìtumọ̀ púpọ̀.
Șùgbọ́n, ní àgbáyé òde-òní, pẹ̀lú ìtẹ̀síwájú ìmọ̀ ìjìnlẹ̀ àti imọ̀-ẹrọ, ọ̀pọ̀ àwọn ọmọde àti àwọn ọdọ ti kọ̀ ẹ̀kọ́ àti àșà àwọn baba wọn sílẹ̀. Wón ń fi ẹ̀sùn
kàn an pé àșà jẹ́ ohun ateyinwa, kó sì ní ọ̀rọ̀ tó wúlò mọ́. Kíákíá ni wọ́n fi ń gbàgbọ́ pé àwọn àșà tó jẹ́ ti àwọn orílẹ̀-èdè yòókù dàgbà ju tiwọn lọ.
Ọpọ̀ àwọn obi àti olùkọ́ ló ti wá fìdí re mulẹ̀ bayi pé àìmọ̀ àșà lórí àwọn ọmọde ń fa ìjìyà àti ìtànkálẹ̀ ìbànújẹ nínú awujọ. Bí àpẹẹrẹ, ọmọ tí kò mọ̀
ìtẹ́ríba, kò ní lè mọyì àgbà, kó sì ní ifọkàn tán láti fi ọgbọ́n gbà ìpinnu. Nípa bẹ́ẹ̀, àṣà Yorùbá kò yẹ kí ó kú tàbí di aimo, ó yẹ kí a fi ran àwọn ọmọ wa
lọ́wọ́ nínú ẹ̀kọ́, isé, àti ìgbésí-ayé won.
Báwo ni àwọn ọmọde șe ń wo àșà àwọn baba wọn?
Maelezo ya Majibu
The passage explains how children view their fathers' culture: "Wón ń fi ẹ̀sùn kàn an pé àṣà jẹ́ ohun ateyinwa, kó sì ní ọ̀rọ̀ tó wúlò mọ́" (they accuse it of being outdated, and no longer having anything of use). This describes culture as something the children now regard as no longer meaningful or valuable.
The passage does not describe the children's view as an unfair accusation, as something they ought to learn, or as something accurate and trustworthy; those readings contradict the dismissive attitude the text actually describes.
When answering how a group views something in a passage, match your choice to the writer's own words about that view rather than to what you might expect the attitude to be.
Swali 20 Ripoti
Ka àwọn ayokà isàlè yil, ki o si dáhún àwọn ibéèrè tí ó tèlé won.
Òpò ọdún séyìn, àșà Yorùbá jé àfihàn ìdánimọ̀, ìbùkún àti ìpẹ̀yà fún àwọn tí wọ́n bá tẹ̀síwájú nínú rẹ̀. Àșà àti ìṣe Yorùbá dá lórí ìbáșepọ̀ rere, ìbùkún
àwọn àgbà, ìtẹ́lọ́run ìdílé, àti ìmọ̀ràn tí ó dá lórí ọgbọ́n àwọn baba-nlá wa. Ní gbogbo agbondan Yorùbá, ìyàwó tí a fẹ́ sílẹ, orúkọ tí a fún ọmọ, àwọn
àșà bí a șe ń sajọyọ̀, tàbí bó ṣe yẹ kí a ṣe ìrántí ẹni tó kú, gbogbo wọ́n ní ìtumọ̀ púpọ̀.
Șùgbọ́n, ní àgbáyé òde-òní, pẹ̀lú ìtẹ̀síwájú ìmọ̀ ìjìnlẹ̀ àti imọ̀-ẹrọ, ọ̀pọ̀ àwọn ọmọde àti àwọn ọdọ ti kọ̀ ẹ̀kọ́ àti àșà àwọn baba wọn sílẹ̀. Wón ń fi ẹ̀sùn
kàn an pé àșà jẹ́ ohun ateyinwa, kó sì ní ọ̀rọ̀ tó wúlò mọ́. Kíákíá ni wọ́n fi ń gbàgbọ́ pé àwọn àșà tó jẹ́ ti àwọn orílẹ̀-èdè yòókù dàgbà ju tiwọn lọ.
Ọpọ̀ àwọn obi àti olùkọ́ ló ti wá fìdí re mulẹ̀ bayi pé àìmọ̀ àșà lórí àwọn ọmọde ń fa ìjìyà àti ìtànkálẹ̀ ìbànújẹ nínú awujọ. Bí àpẹẹrẹ, ọmọ tí kò mọ̀
ìtéríba, kò ní lè mọyì àgbà, kó sì ní ifọkàn tán láti fi ọgbọ́n gbà ìpinnu. Nípa bẹ́ẹ̀, àṣà Yorùbá kò yẹ kí ó kú tàbí di aimo, ó yẹ kí a fi ran àwọn ọmọ wa
lọ́wọ́ nínú ẹ̀kọ́, isé, àti ìgbésí-ayé won.
Kí ni ó jẹ́ kí àwọn ọmọde ode-òní bẹ̀rẹ̀ sí í kọ àṣà sílẹ̀?
Maelezo ya Majibu
The passage states the cause plainly: "pẹ̀lú ìtẹ̀síwájú ìmọ̀ ìjìnlẹ̀ àti imọ̀-ẹrọ, ọ̀pọ̀ àwọn ọmọde àti àwọn ọdọ ti kọ̀ ẹ̀kọ́ àti àṣà àwọn baba wọn sílẹ̀" (with the advance of science and technology, many children and youths have abandoned the teaching and culture of their fathers). The advance of science and technology is identified as the driver of this change.
Bad conduct, learning religious doctrine, and an unlucky star are not mentioned anywhere in the passage as reasons for children abandoning their culture; they are unsupported by the text.
For this type of question, trace the cause-and-effect language the passage uses, here "with the advance of...", to find the exact factor the writer blames.
Swali 21 Ripoti
Ka àwọn ayokà isàlè yil, ki o si dáhún àwọn ibéèrè tí ó tèlé won.
Nínú abúlé aláàánú kan tí ó wà láàárín àwọn òkè aláwo ewé, ìșẹ̀lẹ̀ abàmì kan sẹlẹ̀ tí ó yà àwọn àgbàlagbà abúlé lẹ́nu. Ní gbogbo òwúrọ̀, àwọn ará
abúlé máa ń jí láti rí pé ọgbà wọn ti bàjẹ́, oúnjẹ wọn sì dínkù láìníye. Ní ìbẹ̀rẹ̀, wọ́n fi ẹ̀sùn kàn àwọn ẹranko igbó. Șùgbọ́n ọdẹ abúlé sọ pé kò sí ipa ẹsẹ̀
kankan tí wón rí láti fihàn pé ẹranko ni . Olórí abúlé pè gbogbo ènìyàn jọ, ó sì dá ẹgbẹ figilanté tó máa ń ṣọ́ alẹ́ sílẹ̀.
Àwọn tó yá ara wọn sílẹ̀ fún isé yí mú atupa àti ọpá, wọ́n jókòó nínú òkùnkùn. ọ̀pọ̀ alẹ́ ni kò sí ìșẹ̀lẹ̀ kankan. Șùgbọ́n ní alẹ́ karùn-ún, nígbà tí òșùpá ń
Ní ọjọ kejì, àwọn àgbàlagbà abúlé lọ sí abúlé yẹn láti bá wọn sọrọ. Ó hàn kedere pé àwọn ọmọ yìí jẹ aláìní, tí ìkànlù omi burúkú kan ti run gbogbo
pẹ̀lú oúnjẹ tí wọ́n jí.
tan lójú ọ̀run, won gbo kìkún legbeé abà ẹ̀lùbọ̀ olórí abúlé. Wọn sare lọ, wọ́n sì rí àwọn ọmọkùnrin àti ọmọbìnrin kan láti abúlé kejì, tí wọ́n ń sa lọ
ọgbà wọn. Kódà, ó jẹ́ pé wọ́n ń jì oúnjẹ kí wọ́n lè yè. Eleyi jẹ̀ ohun ti o bani lọkan jẹ̀, wọn si pinnu láti fi oúnjẹ tí wọ́n ní kù fún wọn dipo ìjíyà. Láti ọjọ́
yẹn lọ, ìbáșepọ̀ àti àjọṣe dájú láàárín àwọn abúlé méjèèjì.
Kí ni àwọn olùșọ́ rí ní alẹ́ yẹn?
Maelezo ya Majibu
When the night watchers ran towards the sound near the yam barn, the passage says they found some boys and girls from the neighbouring village who were fleeing with food they had stolen.
The passage does not describe the hunter behaving strangely on that night, nor does it mention the lantern catching fire. It also makes clear, through the earlier report of no animal footprints and this later discovery, that the culprits were not animals eating the garden but children taking food.
Because the passage explicitly states that the watchers found boys and girls running away with stolen food, that is what they saw that night.
Examination tip: comprehension questions about the climax of a story want the concrete detail the passage gives, here the identity of the culprits caught in the act, not an inferred or general description.
Swali 22 Ripoti
"Ę má șe je kí ẹ̀mí yín lè” jé ...
Maelezo ya Majibu
The statement quoted in the question is phrased as an instruction, telling the listener what attitude or action to take regarding the state of their spirit. Statements of this kind, which tell someone what they should or should not do in order to cope with a situation, are classified as \u00ecm\u1ecd\u0300r\u00e0n, advice or counsel.
\u00ccb\u00e0n\u00faj\u1eb9\u0301 describes a feeling of sadness or grief itself, not an instruction about how to respond to it. \u00ccr\u00edr\u00ed refers to a personal experience someone has lived through, a recollection of what happened, not guidance for the future. \u00c0k\u00edy\u00e8s\u00ed is an observation or a piece of information pointed out for attention, again distinct from a direct instruction on how to behave.
Because the statement is framed as guidance telling the listener how to manage their state of mind, it functions as \u00ecm\u1ecd\u0300r\u00e0n.
Examination tip: identify whether a Yoruba statement describes a feeling, recounts an event, simply draws attention to a fact, or instructs the listener on what to do, an instruction marks it as \u00ecm\u1ecd\u0300r\u00e0n.
Swali 23 Ripoti
Ka àwọn ayokà isàlè yil, ki o si dáhún àwọn ibéèrè tí ó tèlé won.
Nínú abúlé aláàánú kan tí ó wà láàárín àwọn òkè aláwo ewé, ìșẹ̀lẹ̀ abàmì kan șẹlẹ̀ tí ó yà àwọn àgbàlagbà abúlé lénu. Ní gbogbo òwúrọ̀, àwọn ará
abúlé máa ń jí láti rí pé ọgbà wọn ti bàjẹ́, oúnjẹ wọn sì dínkù láìníye. Ní ìbẹ̀rẹ̀, wọ́n fi ẹ̀sùn kàn àwọn ẹranko igbó. Sùgbọ́n ọdẹ abúlé sọ pé kò sí ipa ẹsẹ̀
kankan tí wọ́n rí láti fihàn pé ẹranko ni . Olórí abúlé pè gbogbo ènìyàn jọ, ó sì dá ẹgbẹ figilanté tó máa ń sọ́ alẹ́ sílẹ̀.
Àwọn tó yá ara wọn sílẹ̀ fún isé yí mú atupa àti ọpá, wọ́n jókòó nínú òkùnkùn. ọ̀pọ̀ alẹ́ ni kò sí ìșẹ̀lẹ̀ kankan. Șùgbọ́n ní alẹ́ karùn-ún, nígbà tí òșùpá ń
tan lójú ọ̀run, won gbo kìkún légbeé abà èlùbọ̀ olórí abúlé. Wọn sare lọ, wọ́n sì rí àwọn ọmọkùnrin àti ọmọbìnrin kan láti abúlé kejì, tí wọ́n ń sa lọ
Ní ọjọ kejì, àwọn àgbàlagbà abúlé lọ sí abúlé yẹn láti bá wọn sọrọ. Ó hàn kedere pé àwọn ọmọ yìí jẹ aláìní, tí ìkànlù omi burúkú kan ti run gbogbo
pẹ̀lú oúnjẹ tí wọ́n jí.
ọgbà wọn. Kódà, ó jẹ́ pé wọ́n ń jì oúnjẹ kí wọ́n lè yè. Eleyi jẹ̀ ohun ti o bani lọkan jẹ̀, wọn si pinnu láti fi oúnjẹ tí wọ́n ní kù fún wọn dipo ìjíyà. Láti ọjọ́
yẹn lọ, ìbáșepọ̀ àti àjọșe dájú láàárín àwọn abúlé méjèèjì.
Kí ni akori pàtàkì tí ìtàn náà ńi tabi ori oro ti a le fun itan naa?
Maelezo ya Majibu
This question asks for the central idea that ties the whole passage together, which is different from asking about any single event in it.
The passage moves through suspicion, a night watch, the discovery that hungry children were taking food because a flood had destroyed their village's farmland, and finally the elders choosing to share food and forgive rather than punish. Every stage of the story builds toward that final act of understanding and the lasting friendship it produces between the two villages.
A title or theme has to capture that overall movement, not just one part of it. Focusing only on the flood's damage, or only on the idea of judgement and punishment, or only on the importance of guarding the village leaves out the story's real point, which is that mercy and human connection grew out of a difficult situation. That is why compassion and relationship-building between people is the theme that best fits the whole narrative.
For "what is this passage really about" questions, test each option against the ending of the passage, since the theme is usually what the resolution demonstrates.
Swali 24 Ripoti
Kínní ọ̀rọ̀ ìfarapa nínú gbolohun Bí mo șe jí, mo rí pe mo ti rẹ̀?
Maelezo ya Majibu
"Șe" jẹ́ ọ̀ro ìfarapa tí a fi n dá àtẹ̀gùn gbolohun àșẹ sílẹ̀.
Swali 25 Ripoti
Yan ọ̀rò tí ó wúlò gégẹ́ bí orúkọ:
Maelezo ya Majibu
This question tests the ability to identify which word in a set functions as a noun, "orúkọ" in Yoruba grammar, as opposed to a verb.
Three of the words describe actions: singing, going, and eating, and each behaves as a verb because it can only complete a sentence when paired with a subject performing the action, for example "o kọrin," "o lọ," or "o jẹ." The remaining word names a thing, a dwelling or house, and can stand as the subject or object of a sentence on its own, for example "ilé náà tóbi," the house is big. That grammatical behaviour, naming a person, place, or thing rather than an action, is what marks it as the noun in this group.
A quick test for separating nouns from verbs in Yoruba is to ask whether the word can be preceded by a determiner such as "náà" ("the") or a quantity word; only a noun accepts that construction naturally.
When asked to pick out a noun among Yoruba words, check first whether each word denotes an action or a thing, since that single distinction settles most of these questions quickly.
Swali 26 Ripoti
Eré onígbàgbọ́ ni ...?
Maelezo ya Majibu
The word onígbàgbọ́ means a believer, someone who practises a religious faith. When it qualifies eré (a play or dramatic performance), it marks out a play whose content and structure are built around worship rather than around a secular theme.
A play of this kind is organised the way a service of worship is organised, carrying prayer, scripture, preaching, and religious song within its scenes. That is why the performance described this way is one that has a programme of worship running through it, and not a play about national education, a musical news report, or a general story about the origin of the world, since none of those are defined by a religious structure.
When a Yoruba vocabulary question qualifies eré with the name of a group of people, look for the option that names the activity that defines that group. For believers, that activity is worship.
Swali 27 Ripoti
Alágbẹ̀dę lásán kì í fi àgùnbánirọ̀ sùn jẹ́ ...?
Maelezo ya Majibu
This question tests the ability to recognise a form of Yoruba oral literature from a short, compact statement rather than from a formal definition.
The statement about an ordinary blacksmith not fashioning a bridle bit without a reason works the way traditional Yoruba proverbs do: it uses a specific, concrete image from everyday craft and trade to express a general truth, namely that a person does not go to the trouble of preparing something without a purpose behind it. This indirect, image-based way of stating a general truth is the defining feature of a proverb, distinguishing it from praise poetry, which honours a person's or lineage's qualities, and from ordinary verse, which does not carry this compressed, wisdom-teaching structure.
Recognising proverbs by this pattern, a short concrete picture standing in for a broader lesson, is useful because JAMB frequently tests whether a statement is a proverb versus another oral genre using unfamiliar sayings rather than well-known ones.
When a statement names an everyday object or trade action and implies a wider lesson about intention or consequence, treat it as a proverb even if you have not heard that exact saying before.
Swali 28 Ripoti
Kínní ìtumọ̀ "sáló"?
Maelezo ya Majibu
The Yoruba word "s\u00e1l\u00f3" is formed from two words joined together, "s\u00e1" (to run or flee) and "l\u1ecd" (to go away). Together they describe the act of running away from a place, escaping quickly rather than walking normally.
Gb\u00e9 means to carry or lift something, which does not involve fleeing. K\u00f3 l\u1ecd means to pack up and move away, describing a deliberate relocation with one's belongings, not a hurried escape. B\u1ecc\u0300 means to come or to return, the opposite direction of movement from s\u00e1l\u00f3. S\u00e1 \u00e0s\u00e1l\u00e0, on the other hand, means to flee or escape, exactly the meaning carried by "s\u00e1" in s\u00e1l\u00f3, describing a hurried departure away from danger or trouble.
Because s\u00e1l\u00f3 combines "s\u00e1" (flee) with "l\u1ecd" (go), its meaning matches s\u00e1 \u00e0s\u00e1l\u00e0, to flee in escape.
Examination tip: when a Yoruba word is a compound of two smaller words, break it into its parts first, s\u00e1 and l\u1ecd here, then match the combined meaning to the closest option rather than guessing from the whole word alone.
Swali 29 Ripoti
"Ìpalára" túmò sí ...?
Maelezo ya Majibu
This question tests understanding of the meaning of a specific Yoruba noun built from a verb phrase describing physical harm.
"Ìpalára" is formed from the verb phrase "pa ara ... lára," to cause harm or injury to a body, and functions as the noun for that harm, that is, an injury or wound sustained by a person. This is why it corresponds most closely to the term describing the state of having been physically hurt, rather than to an accusation directed at someone, to hair or bodily irritation, or to general weakness or illness, which describes a different, non-injury condition of the body.
Distinguishing "ìpalára" from a word for sickness matters because Yoruba, like many languages, has separate vocabulary for damage caused by an external event, such as a fall or a blow, and for illness arising internally, such as fever. The question is testing that a candidate keeps these two categories apart.
When a Yoruba vocabulary question gives a compound built around "ara," body, check first whether the compound describes an external injury or an internal state of health, since these are frequently confused.
Swali 30 Ripoti
Kí ni ìtumọ̀ "tàlàkà"?
Maelezo ya Majibu
"Tálákà" is a Yoruba word describing a person who lacks material wealth or resources, someone who is poor or in need. The word carries the same sense as aláìní, which literally means "one who lacks" or "one in need", making it the correct match for the meaning being tested.
A student who confuses "tálákà" with its opposite, ọlọ́rọ̀ (a wealthy person), has reversed the meaning entirely, since the two words describe opposite economic conditions. The remaining options, referring to rebellion and to a child, describe unrelated concepts that share no connection with poverty or need.
When learning paired opposites in vocabulary such as tálákà and ọlọ́rọ̀, it helps to memorise them together so that an exam question testing one cannot be mistaken for its opposite.
Swali 31 Ripoti
Àșà ayęyę omọde ní ...?
Maelezo ya Majibu
The question Asa ayeye omode ni ...? asks: "What is the cultural celebration for a child?" This tests knowledge of Yoruba traditional customs and ceremonies.
The correct answer is Iko omo, which refers to the naming ceremony in Yoruba culture. The naming ceremony is the traditional celebration held for a newborn child, typically on the seventh or eighth day after birth. It is one of the most important cultural rites associated with children in Yoruba society. During this ceremony, the child is formally given a name, prayers and blessings are offered, and symbolic items such as honey, kola nut, water, palm oil, and salt are used to express wishes for the child's future.
The other options refer to different cultural events:
The naming ceremony (Iko omo) is the defining cultural celebration directly tied to the arrival of a new child.
Swali 32 Ripoti
Ka àwọn ayokà isàlè yil, ki o si dáhún àwọn ibéèrè tí ó tèlé won.
Nínú abúlé aláàánú kan tí ó wà láàárín àwọn òkè aláwo ewé, ìșẹ̀lẹ̀ abàmì kan sẹlẹ̀ tí ó yà àwọn àgbàlagbà abúlé lẹ́nu. Ní gbogbo òwúrọ̀, àwọn ará
abúlé máa ń jí láti rí pé ọgbà wọn ti bàj, oúnjẹ wọn sì dínkù láìníye. Ní ìbẹ̀rẹ̀, wọ́n fi ẹ̀sùn kàn àwọn ẹranko igbó. Șùgbọ́n ọdẹ abúlé sọ pé kò sí ipa ẹsẹ̀
kankan tí wọ́n rí láti fihàn pé ẹranko ni . Olórí abúlé pè gbogbo ènìyàn jọ, ó sì dá ẹgbẹ figilanté tó máa ń sọ́ alẹ́ sílẹ̀.
Àwọn tó yá ara wọn sílẹ̀ fún isé yí mú atupa àti ọpá, wọ́n jókòó nínú òkùnkùn. Òpọ̀ alẹ́ ni kò sí ìșẹ̀l kankan. Șùgbọ́n ní alẹ́ karùn-ún, nígbà tí òșùpá ń
tan lójú ọ̀run, won gbó kìkún légbèé abà èlùbọ̀ olórí abúlé. Won sare lọ, wón sì rí àwọn ọmọkùnrin àti ọmọbìnrin kan láti abúlé kejì, tí wọ́n ń sa lọ
Ní ọjọ kejì, àwọn àgbàlagbà abúlé lọ sí abúlé yẹn láti bá wọn sọrọ. Ó hàn kedere pé àwọn ọmọ yìí jẹ aláìní, tí ìkànlù omi burúkú kan ti run gbogbo
pẹ̀lú oúnjẹ tí wọ́n jí.
ọgbà wọn. Kódà, ó jẹ́ pé wọ́n ń jì oúnjẹ kí wọ́n lè yè. Eleyi jẹ̀ ohun ti o bani lọkan jẹ̀, wọn si pinnu láti fi oúnjẹ tí wọ́n ní kù fún wọn dipo ìjíyà. Láti ọjọ́
yẹn lọ, ìbáșepọ̀ àti àjọșe dájú láàárín àwọn abúlé méjèèjì.
Ta ni wón kókó fi èsùn kàn pé ó ń bà ogbà wọn jẹ́?
Maelezo ya Majibu
After discovering the damage to their farmland, the villagers' first reaction, before any investigation, was to assume that wild animals from the forest were responsible for eating their crops and food.
The passage names the village hunter separately, as the person who later examined the scene and reported that there were no animal footprints to support the accusation, meaning the hunter was not himself accused. The children from the second village are only discovered later, on the fifth night, and are not the group the villagers first suspected. Town thugs are never mentioned anywhere in the passage.
Because the text states plainly that the villagers first blamed wild animals for the damage before the hunter's investigation raised doubt, the group first accused is the wild animals.
Examination tip: comprehension questions asking who was first accused want the earliest suspicion mentioned in the passage, even if later evidence in the story proves it wrong.
Swali 33 Ripoti
"Ìyàwó tí kò mọ ibi tí ọkọ rẹ̀ ti ń ra ẹran, yóò jẹ ẹran ẹlẹ́dẹ̀.” Òwe yìí túmọ̀ sí:
Maelezo ya Majibu
The proverb "Ìyàwó tí kò mọ ibi tí ọkọ rẹ̀ ti ń ra ẹran, yóò jẹ ẹran ẹlẹ́dẹ̀" (a wife who does not know where her husband buys meat will end up eating pork) uses the risk of unknowingly eating a forbidden meat as a warning image. The point is not literally about meat; it is about the danger of staying ignorant of a husband's dealings and affairs.
The lesson the proverb teaches is that a wife must make it her business to know what her husband does, so that she is not caught off guard or led into something she would not have accepted knowingly. This matches the idea that a woman must know what her husband is doing.
The other statements about home training, eating together, or a boy helping out do not connect to the specific image of being tricked through ignorance that the proverb builds around the meat.
Swali 34 Ripoti
Oríkì jé ...?
Maelezo ya Majibu
Oríkì is a well known genre of Yoruba oral poetry recited to celebrate a person, a lineage, a town, or even an animal, by listing their attributes, achievements, and defining qualities. Its whole purpose is to praise and honour its subject, which is why it is correctly described as ìyin eni, the praising of a person.
Oríkì is different from a news report, since it does not narrate current events; it is different from an explanation of how something is done; and it is different from general knowledge about the world, since its content is always centred on exalting a specific subject rather than teaching a fact.
Remember oríkì by its function: whenever a Yoruba literature question asks what a genre is used for celebrating someone's identity and achievements, the answer is oríkì, and its defining feature is praise.
Swali 35 Ripoti
Ka àwọn ayokà isàlè yil, ki o si dáhún àwọn ibéèrè tí ó tèlé won.
Nínú abúlé aláàánú kan tí ó wà láàárín àwọn òkè aláwo ewé, ìșẹ̀lẹ̀ abàmì kan sẹlẹ̀ tí ó yà àwọn àgbàlagbà abúlé lẹ́nu. Ní gbogbo òwúrọ̀, àwọn ará
abúlé máa ń jí láti rí pé ọgbà wọn ti bàjẹ́, oúnjẹ wọn sì dínkù láìníye. Ní ìbrẹ̀, wọ́n fi ẹ̀sùn kàn àwọn ẹranko igbó. Șùgbọ́n ọdẹ abúlé sọ pé kò sí ipa ẹsẹ̀
kankan tí wọ́n rí láti fihàn pé ẹranko ni . Olórí abúlé pè gbogbo ènìyàn jọ, ó sì dá ẹgbẹ figilanté tó máa ń ṣọ́ alẹ́ sílẹ̀.
Àwọn tó yá ara wọn sílẹ̀ fún isé yí mú atupa àti ọpá, wọ́n jókòó nínú òkùnkùn. ọ̀pọ̀ alẹ́ ni kò sí ìșẹ̀lẹ̀ kankan. Șùgbọ́n ní alẹ́ karùn-ún, nígbà tí òșùpá ń
tan lójú ọ̀run, won gbo kìkún legbeé abà ẹ̀lùbọ̀ olórí abúlé. Wọn sare lọ, wón sì rí àwọn ọmọkùnrin àti ọmọbìnrin kan láti abúlé kejì, tí wọ́n ń sa lọ
Ní ọjọ kejì, àwọn àgbàlagbà abúlé lọ sí abúlé yẹn láti bá wọn sọrọ. Ó hàn kedere pé àwọn ọmọ yìí jẹ aláìní, tí ìkànlù omi burúkú kan ti run gbogbo
pẹ̀lú oúnjẹ tí wọ́n jí.
ọgbà wọn. Kódà, ó jẹ́ pé wọ́n ń jì oúnjẹ kí wọ́n lè yè. Eleyi jẹ̀ ohun ti o bani lọkan jẹ̀, wọn si pinnu láti fi oúnjẹ tí wọ́n ní kù fún wọn dipo ìjíyà. Láti ọjọ́
yẹn lọ, ìbáșepọ̀ àti àjọșe dájú láàárín àwọn abúlé méjèèjì.
Kí ni abajade tó yọ láti inú iṣẹlẹ̀ yìí?
Maelezo ya Majibu
This question asks for the overall consequence of everything described in the passage, which means looking at how the story ends rather than at any single incident within it.
The narrative moves from suspicion and a night watch, to the discovery that hungry children from a nearby village had been taking food because a flood had ruined their own farmland, to the elders responding with generosity instead of punishment. The passage's final sentence states directly that from that day onward, a cordial relationship and cooperation developed between the two villages.
That closing statement is the outcome the question is asking about. The events did not lead to lasting sadness, further food damage, or continued theft; they led to reconciliation and a stronger bond between the communities, which is the resolution the whole story builds toward.
When a comprehension question asks for a story's outcome, always check the final lines of the passage, since narratives are usually structured to resolve their central conflict there.
Swali 36 Ripoti
Èsìn ibẹilẹ̀ Yorùbá ni ...?
Maelezo ya Majibu
Èsìn ìbílẹ̀ means the indigenous or traditional religion of a people, as opposed to religions introduced from outside, such as Christianity or Islam. Traditional Yoruba religion centres on the worship of the orisa, deities such as Ògún, Ṣàngó, and Ọbàtálá, so worship of Ọbàtálá is a genuine example of an indigenous Yoruba religion.
Cherub worship belongs to a Christian tradition, and the other two options do not name a recognised indigenous Yoruba deity or practice, so they cannot represent the original faith of the Yoruba people the way orisa worship does.
When a question asks for an example of Yoruba traditional religion, look for the name of an orisa; worship built around one of the orisa is always the indigenous option.
Swali 37 Ripoti
Ninu lẹ́tà aigbefe, adiresi keji gbodo je ti ...?
Maelezo ya Majibu
This question tests knowledge of the standard layout used for a Yoruba informal letter, specifically what the second address in the letter refers to.
A properly structured Yoruba letter opens with the writer's own address and the date, placed at the top. Beneath the salutation, a second address identifies the person the letter is being written to, that is, the recipient, so that the letter is clearly directed at a specific individual. This is why the second address corresponds to the person addressed, rather than to the writer, the location the letter was written from, which is already covered by the first address, or an unrelated person such as a child mentioned only within the body of the letter.
Keeping the two addresses distinct, one for where the letter comes from and one for who it is going to, mirrors the structure expected in formal correspondence generally and is a detail JAMB checks directly in letter-writing questions.
When answering questions on letter format, work through the layout in order, writer's address and date first, then salutation, then who the letter is addressed to, so that each address is matched to its correct role.
Swali 38 Ripoti
Kí ni àpẹẹrẹ ìjálá?
Maelezo ya Majibu
Ìjálá is a chant traditionally performed by hunters and devotees of Ògún, the Yoruba god of iron and war. Its verses celebrate courage, skill in the hunt, and the strength of the hunter, so a typical example of ìjálá is a chant that praises a valiant, courageous person, matching ìyìn akíkanjú.
Ìjálá is not the same as an entertainment song sung purely for fun, a story told about a masquerade festival, or ordinary speech used while working; those describe other kinds of oral performance. What sets ìjálá apart is its focus on bravery and hunting prowess, delivered in a distinctive chanting style with its own vocabulary.
When identifying ìjálá in an exam question, listen for the theme of valour and hunting; that theme is the surest marker of the genre.
Swali 39 Ripoti
Èsẹ̀ tí o wulo gẹ́gẹ́ bí ìtàn èdè ni ...?
Maelezo ya Majibu
Ewì oníròyìn (epic) ni ewì tí ó sọ ìtàn ayé tabi ìṣe eniyan.
Swali 40 Ripoti
Èrí tí a fi ń mọ ọmọ deledele ni ...?
Maelezo ya Majibu
Oríkì kì í șe àtọkànwá àṣeyọrí nìkan, ó tún fi ibi tí ọmọ ti wá hàn.
Je, ungependa kuendelea na hatua hii?