JAMB UTME - Yoruba Language - 2025

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The passage says that the members of the night-watch group sat in the dark for many nights without anything happening. It specifically states that it was on the fifth night, while the moon was shining in the sky, that they heard a rustling sound near the village head's yam barn and rushed to investigate.

The passage does not mention a third or sixth night at all, and it explicitly contrasts the fifth night, when the discovery happened, with the earlier nights, including the first night, when the watchers saw nothing.

Because the passage names the fifth night as the specific night the watchers heard the sound and discovered what was happening, that is the correct night.

Examination tip: for questions asking when an event happened in a narrative, locate the exact time marker the passage gives, here the fifth night, rather than assuming the event happened as soon as the watch began.

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A proverb, or òwe, is a short traditional saying that expresses wisdom or a moral lesson gained from experience, often using imagery or comparison to make its point memorable. Among the Yoruba, proverbs are so valued in speech that they are described as "the horse of conversation", carrying meaning that ordinary words alone cannot express as effectively.

The option identifying a proverb as a wise saying (ọ̀rọ̀ ọgbọ́n) captures this core definition, which is why it is the correct answer.

The remaining options describe unrelated ideas: a facial expression, a living creature, or a stage play, none of which define what a proverb fundamentally is. When a question asks for the definition of a familiar literary term like òwe, the correct option is usually the one built from the term's own defining feature, here wisdom (ọgbọ́n), rather than an unrelated noun.

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This question tests knowledge of the standard layout used for a Yoruba informal letter, specifically what the second address in the letter refers to.

A properly structured Yoruba letter opens with the writer's own address and the date, placed at the top. Beneath the salutation, a second address identifies the person the letter is being written to, that is, the recipient, so that the letter is clearly directed at a specific individual. This is why the second address corresponds to the person addressed, rather than to the writer, the location the letter was written from, which is already covered by the first address, or an unrelated person such as a child mentioned only within the body of the letter.

Keeping the two addresses distinct, one for where the letter comes from and one for who it is going to, mirrors the structure expected in formal correspondence generally and is a detail JAMB checks directly in letter-writing questions.

When answering questions on letter format, work through the layout in order, writer's address and date first, then salutation, then who the letter is addressed to, so that each address is matched to its correct role.

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Alárìnjó is the name of the traditional Yoruba travelling theatre troupe that moved from town to town staging masquerade performances. Their shows combined spoken drama, mime, and satire with drumming and singing, which is why their defining activity is correctly described as eré pẹ̀lú orin, drama performed with music.

Alárìnjó performances were not simply climbing plants, dance on its own without spoken drama, or poetry set to song; their hallmark was theatrical scenes, often comic or satirical, carried along by live musical accompaniment.

Associate Alárìnjó with travelling masquerade theatre powered by music, and you will not confuse it with genres that involve only dance or only chanted poetry.

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The passage states the consequence directly: "àìmọ̀ àṣà lórí àwọn ọmọde ń fa ìjìyà àti ìtànkálẹ̀ ìbànújẹ́ nínú awujọ" (children's ignorance of culture causes suffering and the spread of sadness in society). Suffering and sadness are named as the outcome of cultural ignorance among the young.

Love of festivals, devotion, and the general development of a town are not mentioned as effects of ignoring culture; the passage links ignorance specifically to social suffering and unhappiness, not to these unrelated outcomes.

For cause-and-effect comprehension questions, locate the sentence that names the result directly, the word fa meaning causes, and match the answer to that stated result.

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This question tests recognition of a collective or plural noun, a word used to refer to a group of people together, as opposed to individual family terms.

The words for father, mother, and child each refer to a single, specific individual within a family. The remaining option combines the plural marker "àwọn" with the word for kinsmen or community members, producing a term that refers to a group of people considered together rather than to any one person. That is precisely what a collective noun does: it names a body of people as a unit rather than naming an individual role within a family.

The prefix "àwọn" is the standard Yoruba marker of plurality when attached to a noun referring to people, and recognising it is a reliable way to identify collective or group nouns in Yoruba sentences.

When asked to identify a word showing a group of people, look for the plural marker attached to a noun, since individual kinship terms such as father, mother, and child will never by themselves indicate a collective group.

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The passage states that many parents and teachers have confirmed that when children lack knowledge of their culture, it leads to suffering and the spread of sorrow within society (àìmọ̀ àṣà lórí àwọn ọmọde ń fa ìjiyà àti ìtànkálẹ̀ íbànújẹ́ nínu awùjọ). The question asks what could happen if culture were abandoned completely, and the passage's own evidence points to harm at the level of society as a whole.

The option stating that society will be ruined (àwùjọ á bàjẹ́) captures this consequence, since the passage links loss of culture directly to social breakdown rather than to a single household or individual.

Options describing a house being built, a head being crushed, or the world tearing apart either misstate the direction of the consequence or exaggerate it beyond what the passage supports. The passage's own cause-and-effect statement, tracing lack of cultural knowledge to societal harm, is the evidence that should guide the choice, not a general impression of what sounds dramatic.

Detalhes da Resposta

Yoruba drama is grouped into types based on its tone and purpose. A play that has no serious central theme but is instead filled with light complaints, exaggeration, and laughter is a comic play, known as eré aláwàdà. Its purpose is to entertain the audience through humour rather than to teach a lesson or narrate a serious event.

This matches the description in the question exactly, which is why the comic play (eré aláwàdà) is the correct answer.

A tragic play (eré ìbànújẹ́) is built around sorrow and serious conflict, the opposite of what the question describes, while an educational play and a historical play are organised around instruction or past events rather than humour. Matching a drama type to the mood described, here laughter and lack of serious plot, is the reliable way to answer this kind of classification question.

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The two simple sentences Ọmọ náà wà ní ilé (the child is at home) and Ó ń ka iwe rẹ̀ (he/she is reading his/her book) describe two separate but related actions happening at the same time. The standard way to combine two such simple sentences into one compound sentence in Yoruba is with the connector sì (and/also), giving Ọmọ náà wà ní ilé, ó sì ń ka iwe rẹ̀.

The other combinations either force an unnatural focus construction, or turn the second sentence into a relative clause describing the child rather than simply joining two parallel actions, which changes the sentence type from a compound sentence to a complex one.

To build a compound sentence from two short Yoruba sentences, keep both actions as independent clauses and link them with sì rather than folding one inside the other with tí.

Detalhes da Resposta

This question tests understanding of how marriage is traditionally regarded within Yoruba culture, specifically whose approval and involvement a marriage requires.

In Yoruba tradition, marriage is not treated as a private arrangement between two individuals alone; it is a union that involves and must be approved by the families of both the bride and the groom. Elders from each family are consulted, rites such as introduction visits and bride price negotiations are carried out between the families, and the marriage is considered properly sanctioned only once both families have given their consent. This is why family, rather than a title such as "mister," a leadership role, or the idea of just two individuals in isolation, is what Yoruba tradition holds as the party whose approval validates a marriage.

This family-centred view of marriage reflects a broader value in Yoruba culture, which treats major life events as matters affecting the wider kin group rather than individuals alone.

When Yoruba culture questions ask who approves or is involved in a traditional practice such as marriage, look for the answer that reflects the communal, family-based structure of Yoruba society rather than an individual-centred one.

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Yoruba oral literature separates historical accounts believed to be factual from stories that are imaginative or embellished. "Ìtàn aláwọ̀pupa" describes a story coloured with invention and exaggeration rather than a strictly factual record, placing it in the category of fiction. The Yoruba term for this kind of imaginative prose narrative is àròsọ, a story built from the writer's or narrator's imagination rather than verified fact.

This makes àròsọ the correct example of the kind of embellished story the question describes.

A play (eré) is a performed dramatic form rather than a narrated story, an explanation (àlàyé) is a factual account meant to clarify something, and praise poetry (oríkì) is a chanted tribute to a person or lineage, none of which match the description of an imaginative, coloured narrative. Distinguishing genres by their purpose, entertainment through invention versus factual clarification versus tribute, is the key to this kind of classification question.

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The word "yárá" has two different meanings in Yoruba depending on how it is used and pronounced: as a noun it can mean "room", but as an adverb describing how an action is performed, it means "quickly" or "fast". In the sentence "Ó yárá gba ìpè nàà" (He quickly answered the call), "yárá" is placed directly before the verb "gba" (to take or answer), showing that it is describing the manner of the action rather than naming an object.

Because it modifies how the call was answered, "yárá" here means "quickly" (ní kiákiá), which is the correct match.

Options referring to a decision, a burnt house, or a playroom all treat "yárá" as a noun, which does not fit its position in the sentence, since a noun could not sit between the subject "ó" and the verb "gba" in this way. Checking a word's position and function in the sentence, not just its dictionary form, is essential whenever a Yoruba word can serve more than one grammatical role.

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The passage closes by stating that Yoruba culture must not be allowed to die or be forgotten, and that it should instead be used to help children through education, work, and daily life (ó yẹ́ kí a fi ran àwọn ọmọ wa lọ́wọ́ nínu ẹ̀kọ́, iṣẹ́, àti ìgbésí-ayé wọn). The question asks what should be done with culture as a conclusion to the passage, so the answer has to match this closing recommendation.

The option that says culture should be used to build education and livelihood matches this closing instruction, which is why it is correct.

Leaving culture for other nations, destroying it, or abandoning trust in it all contradict the passage's message, which argues for preserving and actively using culture rather than discarding it. A concluding recommendation in a passage is usually the opposite of the problem described earlier in the text, and here the problem was children abandoning their culture, so the solution must be to actively pass it on.

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The passage lists the foundations of Yoruba culture and practice in one sentence: good relationships (íbáṣepọ̀ rere), the blessing of elders, family contentment (ìtẹ́lọrun ídílé), and advice built on the wisdom of the ancestors (ọgbọ́n àwọn baba-nlá wa). The question asks which areas or branches Yoruba culture brings together, so the correct option must match this list.

The option naming relationship, contentment, and the application of wisdom (íbáṣepọ̀, ìtẹ́lọrun, ímúlò ọgbọ́n) directly mirrors these three pillars named in the passage, making it the correct answer.

The other options introduce items the passage never groups together under culture, such as song, fighting, and medicine, or religion, evil, and prayer. These sound like they could belong to a general discussion of Yoruba life, but none of them appear in the specific sentence the question is testing, so they must be rejected.

Detalhes da Resposta

Before the arrival of Christianity, the Yoruba people practised a traditional belief system centred on the worship of the òrìṣà, the various deities associated with natural forces, ancestors, and specific areas of life such as Ṣàngó, Ògún, and Ỏyá. This indigenous religious practice is known as ìjọ́sin Òrìṣà, meaning the worship of the deities.

The option naming worship of the Òrìṣà (ìjọ́sin Òrìṣà) correctly identifies this pre-Christian faith, which existed long before missionaries introduced Christianity to Yorubaland.

Teaching, hearing from God in the Christian sense, and naming ceremonies are not religions in themselves; hearing from God in particular reflects a Christian framework rather than the traditional practice the question is asking about. A useful way to check this kind of question is to ask which option names an actual belief system rather than an activity or ritual that could exist within several different belief systems.

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This question checks whether the reader has followed the passage to its resolution, where the villagers' response changes once they learn the full circumstances behind the earlier disturbance.

After the elders travel to the neighbouring village and speak with the people there, they discover that the young people who had been taking food were driven to it by hardship: a flood had destroyed their farmland, leaving their families without enough to eat. Faced with this information, the passage states plainly that the elders chose to give out of their own remaining food to help them, rather than punish them for what had happened.

This response is what allows the story to end with friendly relations between the two villages. Choosing kindness over blame or punishment is the turning point of the narrative, and it explains why the passage closes by describing lasting cooperation between the communities rather than continued suspicion.

In comprehension passages built around conflict and resolution, the ending usually reveals the story's central value; here that value is compassion shown once the true cause of a problem is understood.

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The opening lines of the passage state that Yoruba culture and practice are built on good relationships, the blessing of elders, family contentment (ìtẹ́lọrun ídílé), and advice grounded in the wisdom of the ancestors. The question asks specifically what culture did for the family at the beginning of the passage, so the answer must come straight from that opening sentence rather than from later parts about children's attitudes toward culture.

The option describing culture as something that shows contentment and blessing (ó fi ìtẹ́lọrun àti íbùkún hàn) restates exactly what the passage says: family satisfaction and the blessing that comes from elders. This is why it is the correct answer.

The other options either introduce ideas the passage never mentions, such as going to church or causing arguments, or describe something too vague, such as "bringing enjoyment", that is not the specific benefit the writer names for the family. When answering a comprehension question about what a text says at the beginning, always trace the exact sentence being tested rather than a general impression of the whole passage.

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In the sentence Òjò ń rọ bí i pé ọ̀run ń șú (the rain is falling as if the sky is pouring), the speaker is not stating a fact directly but comparing the intensity of the rain to an imagined event. The phrase that introduces this comparison is bí i pé, which means "as if" or "as though."

This phrase is what grammarians call the comparison marker: it signals that what follows is not literally true but is used to intensify the description of the rain. The remaining words in the sentence, òjò (rain), rọ (to fall/rain), and ọ̀run (sky), simply name the things being talked about; none of them performs the work of setting up a comparison.

When a question asks for the comparison word in a Yoruba sentence, look first for a phrase built around bí (like/as), since that is the standard way Yoruba introduces a simile.

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Orin ewì ni a máa n lò fún ìtósónà àti ìmoràn. O je ohun elo lati koni ati lati taniji.

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Yoruba sentences are classified by the purpose they serve: a declarative sentence states a fact or gives information, an interrogative sentence asks a question, and an imperative sentence gives a command. "Ó ra aṣọ tuntun" (He bought new clothes) simply reports an event that took place, without asking anything or instructing anyone to act.

Because it states information rather than questioning or commanding, this sentence is a declarative sentence, called gbolohun àfihàn in Yoruba grammar, which is the correct classification.

It cannot be a question, since it contains no question word or rising interrogative structure, and it cannot be a command, since it describes a completed action rather than instructing someone to act. Checking whether a Yoruba sentence states, asks, or instructs is the quickest way to sort it into its correct grammatical type.

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The proverb "Bí iná kò bá tàn, ẹ̀fúfù ò lè mú un lọ" (If the fire does not catch, the wind cannot carry it away) uses fire as a picture of trouble that a person themselves must first start, and wind as a picture of outside forces or people that only make an existing problem worse. The proverb's real message is that outside forces cannot create trouble out of nothing; there must already be an opening or spark from the person involved.

The option stating that if a person does not give room for trouble, they will not experience trouble (bí ẹnìyàn kò bá fi àyè fún wàhálà, kò ní ṣe wàhálà) expresses this figurative meaning correctly: without an initial cause from the person, external pressure has nothing to act on.

Restating the proverb literally, that fire spreads once lit and wind fans it, only repeats the surface image without explaining its figurative lesson, while claiming that wind never carries anything contradicts the proverb's own words. Yoruba proverbs almost always carry a figurative lesson about human behaviour, so the correct interpretation should explain the underlying moral, not restate the literal scene.

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After discovering the damage to their farmland, the villagers' first reaction, before any investigation, was to assume that wild animals from the forest were responsible for eating their crops and food.

The passage names the village hunter separately, as the person who later examined the scene and reported that there were no animal footprints to support the accusation, meaning the hunter was not himself accused. The children from the second village are only discovered later, on the fifth night, and are not the group the villagers first suspected. Town thugs are never mentioned anywhere in the passage.

Because the text states plainly that the villagers first blamed wild animals for the damage before the hunter's investigation raised doubt, the group first accused is the wild animals.

Examination tip: comprehension questions asking who was first accused want the earliest suspicion mentioned in the passage, even if later evidence in the story proves it wrong.

Detalhes da Resposta

The passage explains that many children and young people have abandoned the teachings and culture of their forebears. It goes on to say exactly what accusation these young people make: they claim that culture is ohun ateyinwa, meaning something outdated or old-fashioned, and that it no longer has anything useful to offer.

The option stating that culture is accused of being something outdated (oun ateyinwa) reproduces this claim word for word from the passage, which is why it is the correct answer.

The remaining options describe accusations that never appear in the text, such as culture being noisier than music or eating excessively. When a comprehension question asks what a group of people is quoted as saying, the safest approach is to locate the sentence that reports their words directly, since paraphrase distractors are usually built from unrelated vocabulary that sounds plausible but is absent from the source.

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This question tests knowledge of the author of a foundational work of Yoruba prose literature.

"Ògbójú Ọdẹ nínú Igbó Irúnmalẹ̀" is a landmark Yoruba novel that follows a hunter's adventures through a world of forests, spirits, and mythical creatures, blending Yoruba folklore with narrative fiction. It was written by D.O. Fagunwa, widely regarded as a pioneer of written Yoruba fiction, whose works established the fantastical hunter's-tale genre in Yoruba literature. This distinguishes his authorship from other well-known Yoruba literary figures, whose own works are associated with different titles and genres, such as drama or poetry rather than this particular hunter's narrative.

Knowing which author is linked to which title is a recurring feature of Yoruba literature questions, since JAMB frequently pairs a well-known book title with a set of plausible author names.

When asked to match a Yoruba literary title to its author, recall the genre and subject matter of the work, since an author's known body of work, such as Fagunwa's hunter narratives, usually points directly to the correct name.

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The word onígbàgbọ́ means a believer, someone who practises a religious faith. When it qualifies eré (a play or dramatic performance), it marks out a play whose content and structure are built around worship rather than around a secular theme.

A play of this kind is organised the way a service of worship is organised, carrying prayer, scripture, preaching, and religious song within its scenes. That is why the performance described this way is one that has a programme of worship running through it, and not a play about national education, a musical news report, or a general story about the origin of the world, since none of those are defined by a religious structure.

When a Yoruba vocabulary question qualifies eré with the name of a group of people, look for the option that names the activity that defines that group. For believers, that activity is worship.

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In Yoruba grammar, names fall into different categories depending on how they function. A name that is attached specifically to one particular person, place, or thing, distinguishing it from every other member of its class, is called a proper noun, or orúkọ àtọ̀kànwá in Yoruba, meaning a name that "points directly" at a specific referent.

This matches the question precisely, since it asks for the name given to identify one particular place or one particular person, which is exactly what a proper noun does.

The other terms describe different categories entirely, such as a descriptive or explanatory name, or an insulting name, none of which refer to the grammatical function of uniquely identifying a specific referent. When a Yoruba grammar question asks about naming a specific entity, the key clue is the word "specific" or "particular", which should point directly to orúkọ àtọ̀kànwá.

Detalhes da Resposta

This question is loosely worded, but it is asking for something in Yoruba speech that people habitually point to or refer back to when making an argument, described here as an àtọ́ka (a pointer or reference). In Yoruba oral tradition, that role belongs to àwọn òwe, proverbs.

Yoruba speech leans heavily on proverbs as ready-made points of reference: a speaker cites a proverb the way a writer cites a source, to point to accepted wisdom and strengthen an argument. This function is captured in the well known saying that a proverb is the horse used to trace and recover a lost line of speech.

Application, complex sentence structure, and machinery do not serve this referencing function in everyday speech, while proverbs are specifically kept and reused as fixed points that a speaker points back to; that is why proverbs are the best fit here, even though the question's phrasing is not fully precise.

Detalhes da Resposta

This question tests knowledge of the Yoruba term for the celebration held to mark a birthday.

In Yoruba culture, a birthday is marked with a festive gathering involving family, friends, food, music, and well-wishes for the celebrant, and the general Yoruba word for this kind of celebration or party is the one that correctly answers the question. It is distinct from the words for a town, a story or historical account, and an unrelated term that does not refer to a festive occasion, none of which describes a celebratory gathering of this kind.

This term applies broadly to festive occasions in Yoruba culture beyond birthdays as well, covering celebrations held for a range of joyful events, which is why it is the word most directly associated with marking an occasion such as a birthday with festivity.

When a Yoruba culture question asks for the term describing a celebration or party, look for the vocabulary specifically tied to festivity and joyful gathering rather than words describing places, records, or unrelated customs.

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This question tests the ability to recognise a form of Yoruba oral literature from a short, compact statement rather than from a formal definition.

The statement about an ordinary blacksmith not fashioning a bridle bit without a reason works the way traditional Yoruba proverbs do: it uses a specific, concrete image from everyday craft and trade to express a general truth, namely that a person does not go to the trouble of preparing something without a purpose behind it. This indirect, image-based way of stating a general truth is the defining feature of a proverb, distinguishing it from praise poetry, which honours a person's or lineage's qualities, and from ordinary verse, which does not carry this compressed, wisdom-teaching structure.

Recognising proverbs by this pattern, a short concrete picture standing in for a broader lesson, is useful because JAMB frequently tests whether a statement is a proverb versus another oral genre using unfamiliar sayings rather than well-known ones.

When a statement names an everyday object or trade action and implies a wider lesson about intention or consequence, treat it as a proverb even if you have not heard that exact saying before.

Detalhes da Resposta

The Yoruba word "s\u00e1l\u00f3" is formed from two words joined together, "s\u00e1" (to run or flee) and "l\u1ecd" (to go away). Together they describe the act of running away from a place, escaping quickly rather than walking normally.

Gb\u00e9 means to carry or lift something, which does not involve fleeing. K\u00f3 l\u1ecd means to pack up and move away, describing a deliberate relocation with one's belongings, not a hurried escape. B\u1ecc\u0300 means to come or to return, the opposite direction of movement from s\u00e1l\u00f3. S\u00e1 \u00e0s\u00e1l\u00e0, on the other hand, means to flee or escape, exactly the meaning carried by "s\u00e1" in s\u00e1l\u00f3, describing a hurried departure away from danger or trouble.

Because s\u00e1l\u00f3 combines "s\u00e1" (flee) with "l\u1ecd" (go), its meaning matches s\u00e1 \u00e0s\u00e1l\u00e0, to flee in escape.

Examination tip: when a Yoruba word is a compound of two smaller words, break it into its parts first, s\u00e1 and l\u1ecd here, then match the combined meaning to the closest option rather than guessing from the whole word alone.

Detalhes da Resposta

The passage explains how children view their fathers' culture: "Wón ń fi ẹ̀sùn kàn an pé àṣà jẹ́ ohun ateyinwa, kó sì ní ọ̀rọ̀ tó wúlò mọ́" (they accuse it of being outdated, and no longer having anything of use). This describes culture as something the children now regard as no longer meaningful or valuable.

The passage does not describe the children's view as an unfair accusation, as something they ought to learn, or as something accurate and trustworthy; those readings contradict the dismissive attitude the text actually describes.

When answering how a group views something in a passage, match your choice to the writer's own words about that view rather than to what you might expect the attitude to be.

Detalhes da Resposta

Gbolohun àșe máa ń bẹ̀rẹ̀ pẹ̀lú àsọyé tí ó fún ní ìtọ́sọ́nà tàbí àṣẹ.

Detalhes da Resposta

Ìjálá is a chant traditionally performed by hunters and devotees of Ògún, the Yoruba god of iron and war. Its verses celebrate courage, skill in the hunt, and the strength of the hunter, so a typical example of ìjálá is a chant that praises a valiant, courageous person, matching ìyìn akíkanjú.

Ìjálá is not the same as an entertainment song sung purely for fun, a story told about a masquerade festival, or ordinary speech used while working; those describe other kinds of oral performance. What sets ìjálá apart is its focus on bravery and hunting prowess, delivered in a distinctive chanting style with its own vocabulary.

When identifying ìjálá in an exam question, listen for the theme of valour and hunting; that theme is the surest marker of the genre.

Detalhes da Resposta

The passage describes what a culturally untrained child lacks: "ọmọ tí kò mọ̀ ìtẹ́ríba, kò ní lè mọyì àgbà, kó sì ní ìfọkàn tán láti fi ọgbọ́n gbà ìpinnu" (a child who does not know respect cannot value elders, and will not have the confidence to make wise decisions). The passage explicitly names respect and the wisdom to make sound decisions as what such a child is missing.

The passage does not connect this lack to the ability to lie, to food choices, or to relationships in general; those ideas are not part of the sentence describing what the child fails to know.

When a question asks what a passage says someone lacks, match your answer to the exact qualities the text lists, here respect and sound judgement in decision-making.

Detalhes da Resposta

The passage opens by defining Yoruba culture directly: "àṣà Yorùbá jẹ́ àfihàn ìdánimọ̀, ìbùkún àti ìpẹ̀yà fún àwọn tí wọ́n bá tẹ̀síwájú nínú rẹ̀" (Yoruba culture is a display of identity, blessing, and heritage for those who continue in it). The passage's own words state that culture is a manifestation of identity.

Good character (ọmọlúwàbí), modern technology, and the religious history of the Egyptians are not statements the passage makes about what culture is; they either appear elsewhere in a different sense or do not appear in the passage's definition at all.

When a comprehension question asks what a passage says something is, return to the exact sentence in the text that defines it rather than relying on general knowledge of the topic.

Detalhes da Resposta

When the night watchers ran towards the sound near the yam barn, the passage says they found some boys and girls from the neighbouring village who were fleeing with food they had stolen.

The passage does not describe the hunter behaving strangely on that night, nor does it mention the lantern catching fire. It also makes clear, through the earlier report of no animal footprints and this later discovery, that the culprits were not animals eating the garden but children taking food.

Because the passage explicitly states that the watchers found boys and girls running away with stolen food, that is what they saw that night.

Examination tip: comprehension questions about the climax of a story want the concrete detail the passage gives, here the identity of the culprits caught in the act, not an inferred or general description.

Detalhes da Resposta

The proverb "Ìyàwó tí kò mọ ibi tí ọkọ rẹ̀ ti ń ra ẹran, yóò jẹ ẹran ẹlẹ́dẹ̀" (a wife who does not know where her husband buys meat will end up eating pork) uses the risk of unknowingly eating a forbidden meat as a warning image. The point is not literally about meat; it is about the danger of staying ignorant of a husband's dealings and affairs.

The lesson the proverb teaches is that a wife must make it her business to know what her husband does, so that she is not caught off guard or led into something she would not have accepted knowingly. This matches the idea that a woman must know what her husband is doing.

The other statements about home training, eating together, or a boy helping out do not connect to the specific image of being tricked through ignorance that the proverb builds around the meat.

Detalhes da Resposta

As with any question on this genre, oríkì is Yoruba oral poetry composed to praise a person, family, town, or object by celebrating its qualities and achievements. That core purpose is captured in ìyìn ẹni, the praising of a person.

Oríkì should not be confused with pleading or begging, with a formal accusation, or with a picture-based story; those describe entirely different kinds of speech or narrative, none of which share oríkì's function of celebrating and honouring its subject.

Whenever oríkì appears in a question, anchor your answer to the idea of praise; every correct description of the genre will point back to that single function.

Detalhes da Resposta

Oríkì kì í șe àtọkànwá àṣeyọrí nìkan, ó tún fi ibi tí ọmọ ti wá hàn.

Detalhes da Resposta

"Tálákà" is a Yoruba word describing a person who lacks material wealth or resources, someone who is poor or in need. The word carries the same sense as aláìní, which literally means "one who lacks" or "one in need", making it the correct match for the meaning being tested.

A student who confuses "tálákà" with its opposite, ọlọ́rọ̀ (a wealthy person), has reversed the meaning entirely, since the two words describe opposite economic conditions. The remaining options, referring to rebellion and to a child, describe unrelated concepts that share no connection with poverty or need.

When learning paired opposites in vocabulary such as tálákà and ọlọ́rọ̀, it helps to memorise them together so that an exam question testing one cannot be mistaken for its opposite.