JAMB UTME - Yoruba Language - 2025

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The passage states the cause plainly: "pẹ̀lú ìtẹ̀síwájú ìmọ̀ ìjìnlẹ̀ àti imọ̀-ẹrọ, ọ̀pọ̀ àwọn ọmọde àti àwọn ọdọ ti kọ̀ ẹ̀kọ́ àti àṣà àwọn baba wọn sílẹ̀" (with the advance of science and technology, many children and youths have abandoned the teaching and culture of their fathers). The advance of science and technology is identified as the driver of this change.

Bad conduct, learning religious doctrine, and an unlucky star are not mentioned anywhere in the passage as reasons for children abandoning their culture; they are unsupported by the text.

For this type of question, trace the cause-and-effect language the passage uses, here "with the advance of...", to find the exact factor the writer blames.

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Yoruba sentences are classified by the purpose they serve: a declarative sentence states a fact or gives information, an interrogative sentence asks a question, and an imperative sentence gives a command. "Ó ra aṣọ tuntun" (He bought new clothes) simply reports an event that took place, without asking anything or instructing anyone to act.

Because it states information rather than questioning or commanding, this sentence is a declarative sentence, called gbolohun àfihàn in Yoruba grammar, which is the correct classification.

It cannot be a question, since it contains no question word or rising interrogative structure, and it cannot be a command, since it describes a completed action rather than instructing someone to act. Checking whether a Yoruba sentence states, asks, or instructs is the quickest way to sort it into its correct grammatical type.

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In Yoruba grammar, names fall into different categories depending on how they function. A name that is attached specifically to one particular person, place, or thing, distinguishing it from every other member of its class, is called a proper noun, or orúkọ àtọ̀kànwá in Yoruba, meaning a name that "points directly" at a specific referent.

This matches the question precisely, since it asks for the name given to identify one particular place or one particular person, which is exactly what a proper noun does.

The other terms describe different categories entirely, such as a descriptive or explanatory name, or an insulting name, none of which refer to the grammatical function of uniquely identifying a specific referent. When a Yoruba grammar question asks about naming a specific entity, the key clue is the word "specific" or "particular", which should point directly to orúkọ àtọ̀kànwá.

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The question Asa ayeye omode ni ...? asks: "What is the cultural celebration for a child?" This tests knowledge of Yoruba traditional customs and ceremonies.

The correct answer is Iko omo, which refers to the naming ceremony in Yoruba culture. The naming ceremony is the traditional celebration held for a newborn child, typically on the seventh or eighth day after birth. It is one of the most important cultural rites associated with children in Yoruba society. During this ceremony, the child is formally given a name, prayers and blessings are offered, and symbolic items such as honey, kola nut, water, palm oil, and salt are used to express wishes for the child's future.

The other options refer to different cultural events:

• Ikave refers to a reading or educational ceremony
• Ikore is the harvest festival, a celebration of agricultural abundance
• Ipeya refers to a different type of cultural gathering, not specifically associated with children

The naming ceremony (Iko omo) is the defining cultural celebration directly tied to the arrival of a new child.

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Once the hunter's report ruled out wild animals as the cause of the damage, the passage says the village head called all the villagers together and set up a group whose job was to keep watch at night, in order to find out who or what was really responsible.

The passage does not say the village head went to the second village himself, that only happens later, after the culprits are caught, and it is the elders in general, not the village head alone, who make that visit. There is no mention in the passage of the village head ordering a separate investigation apart from setting up the night watch, or of him holding any kind of festival or ceremony.

Because the passage specifically describes the village head gathering everyone and forming a night-watch group to guard the farmland, that is the action he took to identify the culprit.

Examination tip: track each character's specific action as the passage narrates it in sequence, the village head's contribution here is organising the night watch, distinct from the later reconciliation visit made by the elders.

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This question asks for the central idea that ties the whole passage together, which is different from asking about any single event in it.

The passage moves through suspicion, a night watch, the discovery that hungry children were taking food because a flood had destroyed their village's farmland, and finally the elders choosing to share food and forgive rather than punish. Every stage of the story builds toward that final act of understanding and the lasting friendship it produces between the two villages.

A title or theme has to capture that overall movement, not just one part of it. Focusing only on the flood's damage, or only on the idea of judgement and punishment, or only on the importance of guarding the village leaves out the story's real point, which is that mercy and human connection grew out of a difficult situation. That is why compassion and relationship-building between people is the theme that best fits the whole narrative.

For "what is this passage really about" questions, test each option against the ending of the passage, since the theme is usually what the resolution demonstrates.

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"Șe" jẹ́ ọ̀ro ìfarapa tí a fi n dá àtẹ̀gùn gbolohun àșẹ sílẹ̀.

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The proverb "Bí iná kò bá tàn, ẹ̀fúfù ò lè mú un lọ" (If the fire does not catch, the wind cannot carry it away) uses fire as a picture of trouble that a person themselves must first start, and wind as a picture of outside forces or people that only make an existing problem worse. The proverb's real message is that outside forces cannot create trouble out of nothing; there must already be an opening or spark from the person involved.

The option stating that if a person does not give room for trouble, they will not experience trouble (bí ẹnìyàn kò bá fi àyè fún wàhálà, kò ní ṣe wàhálà) expresses this figurative meaning correctly: without an initial cause from the person, external pressure has nothing to act on.

Restating the proverb literally, that fire spreads once lit and wind fans it, only repeats the surface image without explaining its figurative lesson, while claiming that wind never carries anything contradicts the proverb's own words. Yoruba proverbs almost always carry a figurative lesson about human behaviour, so the correct interpretation should explain the underlying moral, not restate the literal scene.

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Ìjálá is a chant traditionally performed by hunters and devotees of Ògún, the Yoruba god of iron and war. Its verses celebrate courage, skill in the hunt, and the strength of the hunter, so a typical example of ìjálá is a chant that praises a valiant, courageous person, matching ìyìn akíkanjú.

Ìjálá is not the same as an entertainment song sung purely for fun, a story told about a masquerade festival, or ordinary speech used while working; those describe other kinds of oral performance. What sets ìjálá apart is its focus on bravery and hunting prowess, delivered in a distinctive chanting style with its own vocabulary.

When identifying ìjálá in an exam question, listen for the theme of valour and hunting; that theme is the surest marker of the genre.

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The two simple sentences Ọmọ náà wà ní ilé (the child is at home) and Ó ń ka iwe rẹ̀ (he/she is reading his/her book) describe two separate but related actions happening at the same time. The standard way to combine two such simple sentences into one compound sentence in Yoruba is with the connector sì (and/also), giving Ọmọ náà wà ní ilé, ó sì ń ka iwe rẹ̀.

The other combinations either force an unnatural focus construction, or turn the second sentence into a relative clause describing the child rather than simply joining two parallel actions, which changes the sentence type from a compound sentence to a complex one.

To build a compound sentence from two short Yoruba sentences, keep both actions as independent clauses and link them with sì rather than folding one inside the other with tí.

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This question tests reading comprehension: understanding the situation of a character based on details stated later in the passage, not simply the first impression given earlier.

Early in the story, the villagers guarding the farm at night hear a commotion and discover young people from a neighbouring village carrying away stolen food. At that point their action looks like theft. But the passage goes on to explain the cause: a serious flood had destroyed the crops and farmland belonging to those children's own village, leaving them without enough to eat, so they took food from a place they knew simply to survive.

This detail is essential to answering the question correctly. The children were not habitual robbers, abandoned orphans, or associated with witchcraft; their circumstance was that a flood had ruined their family's farm produce, which is why they resorted to taking food. Recognising this shows the reading skill of following cause and effect across a passage rather than stopping at the first surface impression a scene creates.

When a comprehension passage answers "why" something happened later in the text, always check that later explanation before settling on an answer, since it often overturns an earlier assumption.

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This question tests the ability to recognise a form of Yoruba oral literature from a short, compact statement rather than from a formal definition.

The statement about an ordinary blacksmith not fashioning a bridle bit without a reason works the way traditional Yoruba proverbs do: it uses a specific, concrete image from everyday craft and trade to express a general truth, namely that a person does not go to the trouble of preparing something without a purpose behind it. This indirect, image-based way of stating a general truth is the defining feature of a proverb, distinguishing it from praise poetry, which honours a person's or lineage's qualities, and from ordinary verse, which does not carry this compressed, wisdom-teaching structure.

Recognising proverbs by this pattern, a short concrete picture standing in for a broader lesson, is useful because JAMB frequently tests whether a statement is a proverb versus another oral genre using unfamiliar sayings rather than well-known ones.

When a statement names an everyday object or trade action and implies a wider lesson about intention or consequence, treat it as a proverb even if you have not heard that exact saying before.

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This question tests knowledge of the term used in Yoruba culture for an indigenous, traditionally worshipped being or deity.

Yoruba traditional religion recognises a pantheon of indigenous deities, each associated with particular forces of nature or aspects of life, such as thunder, iron, or rivers, and worshipped through dedicated rites and priesthoods. The general term for such an indigenous deity or divine being is the one that correctly answers this question. It is distinct from a riverbank, from blood, and from a masquerade or ancestral spirit figure, each of which names something else entirely within Yoruba culture.

Recognising this term matters because Yoruba culture questions frequently distinguish between related but separate concepts, such as an ancestral masquerade, a deity, and a natural feature, and JAMB tests whether a candidate keeps these categories distinct.

When asked to identify an indigenous Yoruba spiritual being, look for the term specifically associated with worship and divine attributes, rather than terms describing physical places or unrelated cultural objects.

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This question tests recognition of which Yoruba word is a standard, correctly formed term as opposed to unfamiliar or non-standard combinations.

"Àkọ́lé," meaning a title or heading, is a well-established, single unit of Yoruba vocabulary that is used consistently across written and spoken Yoruba, for example as the heading placed at the top of a letter, essay, or newspaper article. It has a fixed, recognisable form and a clear, stable meaning, which is what makes it the word that reads as genuinely well-formed among the options presented.

The other options combine or modify related word parts in ways that either alter the core meaning, as with a word suggesting unification of separate things into one, or produce a less commonly attested form, which makes them less secure choices when a question is testing familiarity with standard vocabulary rather than word-building rules in the abstract.

When a Yoruba vocabulary question asks which word is correct or fitting among similar-looking options, favour the option you can confidently recall being used in ordinary written or spoken Yoruba, since JAMB vocabulary questions often include one authentic, frequently used word alongside less common variants.

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"Yọjú" is formed from "yọ" (to emerge or come out) and "ojú" (face), and in everyday Yoruba usage it describes the act of appearing, coming into view, or showing oneself, for example when someone peeps out of a window or steps briefly into sight. The closest match among the choices is the phrase meaning "to show oneself" (fi ara hàn), since this captures the sense of becoming visible or making an appearance.

A common mix-up is to treat "yọjú" as simply "to see a face" (rí ojú), but that phrase describes the act of viewing someone else, not the act of making oneself visible. "Yọjú" is about the subject appearing, not about an onlooker seeing them, which is why "fi ara hàn" is the better match.

The remaining options, relating to speaking through the mouth or walking, describe unrelated actions that share no root or meaning with "yọjú". When a vocabulary question tests a compound word, breaking it into its component parts, as with "yọ" and "ojú" here, usually reveals which option fits the underlying sense.

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This question tests the ability to complete a sentence with the clause that follows logically from what has already been stated.

The sentence begins by stating that the speaker is going to the hospital. A hospital is a place people visit specifically for medical reasons, so the continuation that makes sense is one that gives a medical reason for the visit, namely that the speaker is unwell. This connects cause to effect directly: being unwell is the reason for going to a hospital, in the same way going to a place of worship would logically follow a statement about wanting to pray, not about visiting a hospital.

The other options either describe an unrelated destination, an unrelated intention to turn back, or an unrelated errand to buy herbs, none of which follows naturally from the specific statement about heading to a hospital.

For sentence-completion questions, test each option by asking whether it gives a reason, result, or detail that a listener would naturally expect to follow the opening statement, rather than one that is merely grammatically possible.

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The passage explains how children view their fathers' culture: "Wón ń fi ẹ̀sùn kàn an pé àṣà jẹ́ ohun ateyinwa, kó sì ní ọ̀rọ̀ tó wúlò mọ́" (they accuse it of being outdated, and no longer having anything of use). This describes culture as something the children now regard as no longer meaningful or valuable.

The passage does not describe the children's view as an unfair accusation, as something they ought to learn, or as something accurate and trustworthy; those readings contradict the dismissive attitude the text actually describes.

When answering how a group views something in a passage, match your choice to the writer's own words about that view rather than to what you might expect the attitude to be.

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The passage lists the foundations of Yoruba culture and practice in one sentence: good relationships (íbáṣepọ̀ rere), the blessing of elders, family contentment (ìtẹ́lọrun ídílé), and advice built on the wisdom of the ancestors (ọgbọ́n àwọn baba-nlá wa). The question asks which areas or branches Yoruba culture brings together, so the correct option must match this list.

The option naming relationship, contentment, and the application of wisdom (íbáṣepọ̀, ìtẹ́lọrun, ímúlò ọgbọ́n) directly mirrors these three pillars named in the passage, making it the correct answer.

The other options introduce items the passage never groups together under culture, such as song, fighting, and medicine, or religion, evil, and prayer. These sound like they could belong to a general discussion of Yoruba life, but none of them appear in the specific sentence the question is testing, so they must be rejected.

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Traditional Yoruba family life (ẹbí) is organised around close kinship ties, and one of the most basic units within an extended family is the group of children born to the same mother, referred to as ọmọ-ìyá. This bond of shared maternal descent is a defining feature of how a Yoruba family is structured and understood.

A decision, a system of government, and a story are not kinship categories; they describe entirely different aspects of life and cannot define how family membership is organised. Family structure in Yoruba culture is built on blood and marriage ties, and ọmọ-ìyá names exactly one such tie.

When a question asks what a Yoruba family is built with or organised around, look for the option that names a kinship relationship rather than an abstract idea like decision-making or governance.

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The word "yárá" has two different meanings in Yoruba depending on how it is used and pronounced: as a noun it can mean "room", but as an adverb describing how an action is performed, it means "quickly" or "fast". In the sentence "Ó yárá gba ìpè nàà" (He quickly answered the call), "yárá" is placed directly before the verb "gba" (to take or answer), showing that it is describing the manner of the action rather than naming an object.

Because it modifies how the call was answered, "yárá" here means "quickly" (ní kiákiá), which is the correct match.

Options referring to a decision, a burnt house, or a playroom all treat "yárá" as a noun, which does not fit its position in the sentence, since a noun could not sit between the subject "ó" and the verb "gba" in this way. Checking a word's position and function in the sentence, not just its dictionary form, is essential whenever a Yoruba word can serve more than one grammatical role.

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"Jẹ" jẹ́ àsọyé tí ó fi ișe tí ẹni náà șe hàn (eating - verb).

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The proverb "Ìyàwó tí kò mọ ibi tí ọkọ rẹ̀ ti ń ra ẹran, yóò jẹ ẹran ẹlẹ́dẹ̀" (a wife who does not know where her husband buys meat will end up eating pork) uses the risk of unknowingly eating a forbidden meat as a warning image. The point is not literally about meat; it is about the danger of staying ignorant of a husband's dealings and affairs.

The lesson the proverb teaches is that a wife must make it her business to know what her husband does, so that she is not caught off guard or led into something she would not have accepted knowingly. This matches the idea that a woman must know what her husband is doing.

The other statements about home training, eating together, or a boy helping out do not connect to the specific image of being tricked through ignorance that the proverb builds around the meat.

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Farmers traditionally sing while working on the land to keep rhythm, ease the labour, and encourage one another, and this category of song is known as orin ìṣẹ́, a work song.

An explanatory piece, a hunters' chant, and a sugarcane song each belong to different contexts: an explanation is informational rather than musical, ìjálá belongs to hunters rather than farmers, and a song about sugarcane names a crop rather than an activity. None of these describe the song genre tied to the act of farming itself.

Link each occupational song to the group that performs it: hunters sing ìjálá, farmers sing orin ìṣẹ́, and remembering this pairing prevents mixing up the genres.

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This question tests understanding of how marriage is traditionally regarded within Yoruba culture, specifically whose approval and involvement a marriage requires.

In Yoruba tradition, marriage is not treated as a private arrangement between two individuals alone; it is a union that involves and must be approved by the families of both the bride and the groom. Elders from each family are consulted, rites such as introduction visits and bride price negotiations are carried out between the families, and the marriage is considered properly sanctioned only once both families have given their consent. This is why family, rather than a title such as "mister," a leadership role, or the idea of just two individuals in isolation, is what Yoruba tradition holds as the party whose approval validates a marriage.

This family-centred view of marriage reflects a broader value in Yoruba culture, which treats major life events as matters affecting the wider kin group rather than individuals alone.

When Yoruba culture questions ask who approves or is involved in a traditional practice such as marriage, look for the answer that reflects the communal, family-based structure of Yoruba society rather than an individual-centred one.

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Àlàyé jẹ́ ìtàn àkọ́kọ́ nípa ohun kan. A le fi hàn bí àșà àti ẹ̀sìn șe wulo.

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This question tests knowledge of the standard layout used for a Yoruba informal letter, specifically what the second address in the letter refers to.

A properly structured Yoruba letter opens with the writer's own address and the date, placed at the top. Beneath the salutation, a second address identifies the person the letter is being written to, that is, the recipient, so that the letter is clearly directed at a specific individual. This is why the second address corresponds to the person addressed, rather than to the writer, the location the letter was written from, which is already covered by the first address, or an unrelated person such as a child mentioned only within the body of the letter.

Keeping the two addresses distinct, one for where the letter comes from and one for who it is going to, mirrors the structure expected in formal correspondence generally and is a detail JAMB checks directly in letter-writing questions.

When answering questions on letter format, work through the layout in order, writer's address and date first, then salutation, then who the letter is addressed to, so that each address is matched to its correct role.

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The passage explains that although the villagers first suspected wild animals, the village hunter, who is skilled at tracking animals, examined the scene and reported that he could find no animal footprints at all to support the idea that an animal was responsible.

No garden being eaten is not what the passage says; the garden was in fact being damaged, which is precisely the problem being investigated. The passage never mentions that an animal was actually caught, so that cannot be the reason the villagers changed their thinking. Absence of animal noise is also not stated anywhere in the passage as evidence.

Because it was specifically the hunter's report of finding no animal footprints that undermined the idea of an animal being responsible, that report is what made the villagers realise it was not an animal.

Examination tip: when a comprehension question asks what made a character realise something, search the passage for the specific piece of evidence given, here the hunter's statement about footprints, rather than assuming a general explanation.

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The passage describes what a culturally untrained child lacks: "ọmọ tí kò mọ̀ ìtẹ́ríba, kò ní lè mọyì àgbà, kó sì ní ìfọkàn tán láti fi ọgbọ́n gbà ìpinnu" (a child who does not know respect cannot value elders, and will not have the confidence to make wise decisions). The passage explicitly names respect and the wisdom to make sound decisions as what such a child is missing.

The passage does not connect this lack to the ability to lie, to food choices, or to relationships in general; those ideas are not part of the sentence describing what the child fails to know.

When a question asks what a passage says someone lacks, match your answer to the exact qualities the text lists, here respect and sound judgement in decision-making.

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The passage opens by describing what the villagers discovered every morning: their farmland kept getting damaged and their food supply kept reducing without any clear cause. This was the very first problem the village faced, before any suspects, hunters, or vigilante groups are mentioned.

Wild animals entering the village is only the villagers' first guess about the cause of the problem, not the problem itself, and the passage goes on to say the hunter found no footprints to support that idea. An epidemic disease and a shortage of water are not mentioned anywhere in the passage; neither illness nor lack of water is described as affecting the villagers.

Because the passage explicitly states that the villagers woke to find their farmland ruined and their food reduced without measure, the initial problem they faced was the destruction of their farmland together with the ongoing disappearance of their food.

Examination tip: in a comprehension passage, distinguish the actual event described from characters' guesses about its cause, since a question asking what problem occurred wants the event itself, not the suspected cause.

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Ewì oníròyìn (epic) ni ewì tí ó sọ ìtàn ayé tabi ìṣe eniyan.

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This question tests the ability to identify which word in a set functions as a noun, "orúkọ" in Yoruba grammar, as opposed to a verb.

Three of the words describe actions: singing, going, and eating, and each behaves as a verb because it can only complete a sentence when paired with a subject performing the action, for example "o kọrin," "o lọ," or "o jẹ." The remaining word names a thing, a dwelling or house, and can stand as the subject or object of a sentence on its own, for example "ilé náà tóbi," the house is big. That grammatical behaviour, naming a person, place, or thing rather than an action, is what marks it as the noun in this group.

A quick test for separating nouns from verbs in Yoruba is to ask whether the word can be preceded by a determiner such as "náà" ("the") or a quantity word; only a noun accepts that construction naturally.

When asked to pick out a noun among Yoruba words, check first whether each word denotes an action or a thing, since that single distinction settles most of these questions quickly.

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In Yoruba culture, several traditional customs (\u00e0\u1e63\u00e0) mark different stages and events in life, each with its own name. \u00cck\u00e0w\u00e9 refers to the practice or culture of reading. \u00cck\u00f3r\u00e8 is the harvest festival, celebrating the gathering of crops such as yam or maize. \u00cc\u1eb9\u0300y\u00e0 relates to separation or parting. \u00ck\u1eb9\u0301 \u1ecdm\u1ecd (the naming ceremony) is the custom performed to welcome and formally name a newborn child, usually within the first seven to nine days after birth, when family and community gather to bless the child and confer its name.

Since the question asks specifically about the custom of celebration connected with a child, the practice that fits is the naming ceremony, because it is the traditional celebration organised specifically to welcome a child into the family and community.

Examination tip: match each Yoruba custom to the life event it marks, the naming ceremony for a newborn child, marriage rites for a wedding, and burial rites for a death.

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"Ídàbí" comes from the verb "dàbí", which means "to resemble" or "to seem like". When used to introduce a comparison, this idea is expressed in everyday speech as "bí ẹni pé", meaning "as if" or "as though", the phrase used whenever something is described as appearing or seeming a certain way without actually being so.

This matches the tested word closely, since both "dàbí" and "bí ẹni pé" carry the sense of likeness or apparent resemblance, making it the correct option.

A house, various kinds of something, and something that was made are all unrelated concepts that do not carry any sense of resemblance or comparison. When a Yoruba vocabulary question tests a word built on "dà" or "bí", it is worth checking whether the correct option expresses similarity or seeming, since these roots consistently signal comparison in the language.

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Orin ewì ni a máa n lò fún ìtósónà àti ìmoràn. O je ohun elo lati koni ati lati taniji.

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As with any question on this genre, oríkì is Yoruba oral poetry composed to praise a person, family, town, or object by celebrating its qualities and achievements. That core purpose is captured in ìyìn ẹni, the praising of a person.

Oríkì should not be confused with pleading or begging, with a formal accusation, or with a picture-based story; those describe entirely different kinds of speech or narrative, none of which share oríkì's function of celebrating and honouring its subject.

Whenever oríkì appears in a question, anchor your answer to the idea of praise; every correct description of the genre will point back to that single function.

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The statement quoted in the question is phrased as an instruction, telling the listener what attitude or action to take regarding the state of their spirit. Statements of this kind, which tell someone what they should or should not do in order to cope with a situation, are classified as \u00ecm\u1ecd\u0300r\u00e0n, advice or counsel.

\u00ccb\u00e0n\u00faj\u1eb9\u0301 describes a feeling of sadness or grief itself, not an instruction about how to respond to it. \u00ccr\u00edr\u00ed refers to a personal experience someone has lived through, a recollection of what happened, not guidance for the future. \u00c0k\u00edy\u00e8s\u00ed is an observation or a piece of information pointed out for attention, again distinct from a direct instruction on how to behave.

Because the statement is framed as guidance telling the listener how to manage their state of mind, it functions as \u00ecm\u1ecd\u0300r\u00e0n.

Examination tip: identify whether a Yoruba statement describes a feeling, recounts an event, simply draws attention to a fact, or instructs the listener on what to do, an instruction marks it as \u00ecm\u1ecd\u0300r\u00e0n.

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Alárìnjó is the name of the traditional Yoruba travelling theatre troupe that moved from town to town staging masquerade performances. Their shows combined spoken drama, mime, and satire with drumming and singing, which is why their defining activity is correctly described as eré pẹ̀lú orin, drama performed with music.

Alárìnjó performances were not simply climbing plants, dance on its own without spoken drama, or poetry set to song; their hallmark was theatrical scenes, often comic or satirical, carried along by live musical accompaniment.

Associate Alárìnjó with travelling masquerade theatre powered by music, and you will not confuse it with genres that involve only dance or only chanted poetry.

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Èsìn ìbílẹ̀ means the indigenous or traditional religion of a people, as opposed to religions introduced from outside, such as Christianity or Islam. Traditional Yoruba religion centres on the worship of the orisa, deities such as Ògún, Ṣàngó, and Ọbàtálá, so worship of Ọbàtálá is a genuine example of an indigenous Yoruba religion.

Cherub worship belongs to a Christian tradition, and the other two options do not name a recognised indigenous Yoruba deity or practice, so they cannot represent the original faith of the Yoruba people the way orisa worship does.

When a question asks for an example of Yoruba traditional religion, look for the name of an orisa; worship built around one of the orisa is always the indigenous option.

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This question tests recognition of the pronoun that refers back to the subject already introduced earlier in the sentence, maintaining grammatical agreement across the clauses of the proverb.

The proverb begins by naming the subject, a child, in the phrase describing a child who is literate but does not know the ways of elders. In the clause that follows, advising that such a person should show respect by prostrating, the sentence no longer repeats the word for child; instead it uses a short pronoun standing in for that same subject. That pronoun is the word that ties the second clause back to the person introduced in the first, which is exactly what grammatical concord requires: a later reference must match, in person and number, the subject it stands for.

The remaining options are not concord words at all: one is the phrase describing the elders' ways, one is a subjunctive marker introducing what should happen, and one is the verb for being literate, so none of them performs the pronoun's job of referring back to the subject.

When asked to find a concord or agreement word in a Yoruba sentence, look specifically for the short pronoun that stands in for a noun already mentioned, rather than for descriptive phrases or verbs nearby.

Antwoorddetails

This question tests recognition of a compound noun, a noun formed by joining two or more words into a single naming unit, as opposed to a simple, single-word noun or a verb.

Among the options, a river and a spouse or vehicle are each a single, unanalysed noun, while a word meaning "to know" is a verb rather than a noun at all. The remaining option joins the general word for a vehicle with a second word describing motion by wheel, combining two separate elements into one naming unit for a specific kind of vehicle, a car. That structure, two independent words fused together to name one distinct thing, is exactly what defines a compound noun in Yoruba grammar.

Spotting compound nouns is useful because Yoruba builds a large part of its modern vocabulary this way, joining an existing word to a descriptive term to name something more specific, much as "aṣọ" (cloth) combines with other words to name particular garments.

When identifying a compound noun, check whether a word can be split into two independently meaningful Yoruba words that together narrow down to one specific thing; if it can, it is compound rather than simple.